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mtageous for the State; but such treaties Y

charge of their respective functions, am

and conventions shall not take effect until ‘ cording to the instructions of the Govern

they be ratified by the Legislative Bodies. ‘Vith respect, however, to the general Peace about to be concluded in Paris between the Em erors and Kings in person, and with the Klinister Plenipotentiar of England, in case the Prince of \ ales should not personally assist, as eagerly dc_sircd by the French—This Peace, which is‘ so nearly connected with our internal tranquillity, will be secured by Constitutional Institutions—This Peace, in short, so long desired, concluded after too long an interval of tyranny, shall be definitive_ly concluded and signed by the King, with

i the dill'erent Powers, without the necessity

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Oath at the sacred solemoity ol'his CoronaAt‘tcr which the Cnnstituted Au-. 5 thorities shall enter upon the regular dis

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PARIS, hIAY 2.—Declaratzbn of the IQ): '.----“ Louis, by the Grace ofGod, King of France and Navarre, to all those. to whom these presents shall come, greet. ingz—Recalled by the love of our people to the Throne of our fathers—“enlightened by the’misi'ortunes of the nation which we are destined to govern, the first wish of our heart is to invoke that mutual confi. dence so necessary to our repose, to our happiness. After having carefully read the Plan of the Constitution proposed by the Senate, in the Sitting of the 6th of April last, we acknowledge that the bases of it were good‘, but that there being a great number of articles bearing the impression of the precipitancy with which they were drawn up, they cannot in their present form become fundamental laws of the State. Resolved to adopt a liberal Constitution, we wish that it should be wisely combined, and as we cannot accept of one which it is indispensable to correct, we convene for the 10th ol'June, in the present year, the Scnate and Legislative Body, with intent to lay before them the business which we shall have prepared, with a Select Committee from the bosom of these two Bodies, and to give for atbasis to this Constitution the following bases 2-— I

The Representative Government shall be maintained as it at present exists, divided into two Bodies, Vin—The Senate and the

Chamber, composed of Deputies of the

Departments—T axes shall be granted with consent.—Puhlic and private liberty secured—The Liberty of the Press respected, saving the precautions necessary to the public tranquiiiity.~ Religious libertysecuredfl—Property shall be inviolable and sacred; the sale of national property shall be irrevocable—The Ministers, responsible,.may be prosecuted by one of the Legislative Bodies, and tried by the other. —.-The Judges'are not remove-able, and the judicial power is independent—The ublic debt shall be guaranteed. Pensions, rank, and military honours shall be- rescrved; as also the old ‘and the new 1&0bility.—Thc Legion of Honour, the deco— ration of which we will determine, shall be maintained—Every, Frenchman shall be admissible to civil and military employs

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Priutcdand Published by J'. MORTON, No. 94, Strand.‘ - '-

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rot. XXV.’ NO. 21.] LONDON, SATURDAY,’ MAY 21, 1814. [Price Is.

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Arratas or FRANCL—Tlle fear and the malice (natural ofi'spring of fear) which some persons, in this country, discover towards the French nation, and even towards the King of France, is truly wonderful. One would have thought, that common decency; that the ordinary feelings of men, would, for some months, at least, have restrained these persons from discovering their odious passions. ‘Vhen they, who have so long been bawling for the fall of Napoleon, and for the restoration of the Bonrbons 3 when they saw the accomplishment of their wishes 5 when their very desires seem to have'been outstripped by events, surely we had a right to expect, that they would not endeavour to throw obstacles in the way of peace. ‘Ve, surely, ‘had a right to expect, that, after having spent eight hundred millions of debt, and four hundred millions of tax-es, upon the war, and for the sake of “ social order,” realpeace with France would be the fruit of such enormous sacrifices. It was not peace with Holland, and the Germans and Russians, that we so much sighed for; but with France, that fighting nation; that nation so near to us; that nation, whose hatred we ought to ‘dread, and whose friendship we ought to cultivate; that nation, which, in fact, is Europe in itself. But, behold! the King of France is not yet crowned, before these same people, these identical persons, begin to endeavourto excite all sorts of suspicions, not only against the French nation, ‘but against the French Court. They appear to have discovered, that France, though her Ruler be changed, is still the same country, in

habited by the same people, endued with

the same qualities and faculties. This was, indeed, a discovery, that it was very easy to make 5 facts easy to have foreseen. .But these people were blinded by their dread of Napoleon, and their eagerness’ to overset his power. They have now opened their eyes, and, the real truth is, that, upon looking at the state of things altoge

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ther, they know not what to think of it, or what to do or say. To their utter astonishment, they perceive, that a reestablis/zment of’ flu: old order of things is impossible. They perceive, that the Revo—

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lution, upon‘ the whole, must end in great

good to France. They perceive, that the

result will not answer their expectations 5 ~

no, nor any one of their expectations. T hey see, that France will enjoy something‘ like freedom, at least, and they dread the effect of such an example. Their first endeavour, therefore, is to prevent the King from keeping his promise with the nation; or, at least, to prepare, before’ hand, a justification for his so doing. Relative to this subject, I am about to quote a passage from the COURIER newspaper of the 12th instant: “ Pamphlets (says that “ Journal) are published at Paris both for “ and against the Senate 5 in other words, “ whether a Representative Government “ shall be given to France; or whether “ the old Constitution shall be restored as “ nearly as possible ? T 12/: King, we “ know, lzas pledged himself to establish the “former. But we have little difliculty in “ saying, that the people of France, at pre“ sent, are not in a condition fo bear t/ze “ representative system. If we may be “ allowed the expression, they are not so“ ber enough for legislative zlzirsussionsw— ‘-‘ \Ve have grown up wit'b'our Constitu“ tion, and our Constitution has grown up “ will: 11.9. We have ‘been framed for it “ by our forefathers 5 but it were absurd “ to expect that the public mind in ano“ ther nation should all at once be fitted “ for the same system. However, the ex“ periment is to be tried again, and we “ have little doubt it uni/{fail again. May “ its failure not be attended with the same “ disasters and miseries to which France “ has been subject for nearly a quarter of “ a century !” The first remark that offers itself here is, that there must, if this statement be true, he a great deal of real liberty of the press in France : not slzam, not lmmbug but real liberty of the press. For, unless

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iberty of the press 3‘ this were the case, there could not be such discussions. I like this; for discussion,

free discussion, must do. good. I do not

object to any man’s writing in favour of the ancient regime, provided, that other men are allowed freely to answer him. But, it is ‘a sad sham, when the liberty of the press is all on one side ; when every one‘may write in favour of a system, however corrupt and essentially tyrannical, while no one dares to say a word to prove the false/wad of what has been said in favow? of such system. great good in France ; and, in spite of all that fraud, and bribery, and force can do, some of the good must, in the end, extend itself to other countries. \Ve are‘ told here, that, though the King ‘has pledged himself to establish a mpresentative government, the people of, France are not in a condition to bear the representative system. And, then, 'we are reminded, that have grown up with OUR Constitution, and that it has grown with us; but, that we are not to expect that the public mind, 'in another nation, should, all at once, be fitted for the SAME system. Very true. But this writer seems to lahour under a very great error. He appears to suppose, that, if the King of France adheres to his promise, the French people will have the same system as we

ave; than which nothing can be farther from the truth. i There will he no boroughs in France; no counties, where it will cost many hundreds of- thousands of lives to obtain a seat in the Corps Legislative; no Gattons, no Old Sarum, no St. Mz'c/zels, no Corporations. These, indeed, it would require time, and a long time, to make the minds ,of the people of France familiar with. A system like this, indeed, the French people may, very likely, not he “ in a condition to bear.” -It requires much'timc, and many measures, to convince a. people of the excellence of such a system, and to induce them to ‘look upon it as the best in the whole universe.— But, the system of representation about to he established, or, rather, confirmed, in France, the people there will easily understand, and as easily practise. For, what dillticulty is there in the people who pay the taxes meeting, in their several districts, and there choosing Electors, who, again, are to choose the' members of the Corps Legislative, by whose voice the taxes are to be lgranted ? What difiiculty can there be, either in understanding, or

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Discussion must do ‘

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in practising, a system like this‘? There will be no complexity in the thing. , There will be no exclusions which are not hot— tomed upon some general principle. There will be no everlasting doubts, and scrutinics, and law suits, about old charters.— There will he no disputes about who has boiled a pot, and who has not boiled a pot. If, indeed, the system about to be con— lirmed in France included the existence of peculiar privileges in pot-walloppers, or any other persons, relative to elections, I should agree with this writer, that it must take time to fit the peoples’ minds to it; but, amongst all the freaks of Napoleon, he never appears to have once thought of pot-walloppcrs. Oh, no! there are to be no burgage tenures and potwalloppers in France. If there were, it would, I agree, he very difiicult to arrange the matter. It requires centuries of time, and the profoundest state of wisdom, to bring a constitution to this pitch. But, though the French people cannot be fitted for such a system as ours, all at once, it does not. follow, that they are incapable of a sys~ tern which isrepresentative. They have voices, as well as othernations; and they are as capable of making use of. them. \Vhat then, when called upon in their dif_ fercnt communes, is to prevent them from choosing men in whom they have confidence? And why'is the attempt to comfirm their liberty to faz'lF—But, it seems, that the representatives, if chosen properly, “ are not sober enough for legislutz'co dis“ cussion.” ' ‘What does this writer mean? Are the French a drunken people? He. will hardly say that. He means then, that they are too hasty, too apt to be passionate. In the first place, this has never appeared ; and, whoever looks at the codes of Napoleon will agree, that more wisdom, more real political wisdom, a more profound knowledge of human nature, and a more minute acquaintance with human concerns, joined to a more solicitous and tender regard for human rights and happiness, were never discovered by any legislator, or legislators, in the whole world. Are the French an ignorant or a fi'iro/ous people"? Let their works, whether philosophical or literary; let their sciences and arts; let these be compared with those of any other nation, and, it will be seen, I believe, that they take the lead in all those endowments which raise man in the scale of beings. Take ‘their theatrical pieces; compare them with our’s ; ‘put the

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elegant language, the wit, the sentiment, the reasoning, the philosophy of the Metromaminthe Joueur, or any one of a hundred pieces that might be named, and put them by the side of the grovelling style, the muting palaver, and horseAaughte-r trash of our comedies, and then say, whether the ,French, are a people without solidity of mind. The very circumstance that pieces, like those that I have named, are admired in France, and attract crowded audiences, is sutlicient to characterize the mind of the nation 5 and, for the sake of my own country, ‘I wish I could say, that the character of its mind was in no degree to he gathered from the circumstance, that play-actors in London find their account in uttering strings of dirty double-meanings and miserable puns from the lips of a person swelled out, by the means of pillows and bolsters,to the size of a sugar-hogshead.-It is the impudent, the malignant observations of this writer, levelled, at bottom, against the freedom and happiness of France, that have called forth this comparison from me ; though, perhaps, it would, at any time, be one’s duty to have made it. I am not speaking of exhibitions, where people are admitted at two-pence a head. I am speak— ing of the national theatres, which are the criterion of the taste of a people, and of the character of the public mind. In that of France I see beautiful language, refined sentiment, brilliant wit, fine reasoning, sound philosophy, all displayed in the forming and the unravelling of fables the most interesting, *never violating nature, and seldom probability. In ours, I see magi‘ciuns calling forth thunder and lightening, and putting spells‘ upon those. who offend them -, witches, foretelling the fall and rise

‘of kings, and woods vwalking over the country to fulfil their predictions ,-, ghosts, _

giving information of murders, and troubling people in their sleep‘, and men and 'womeizso much out of nature, as to make the whole of the representation a thing too monstrous to he endured by common sense. And,.-I .see this, too, in those pieces which are most admired by fashionable people and grave critics. But, indeed, even this is not matter of surprise, when We see extolled, as the first gfPrrmc. a mass of crabbed transpositions and inflated periods, narrating battles in heaven, in which the Devils fired cannon against the Angels, and during- which a Devil, having been split down the middle by an Angel, the two halves instantly smacked up together, and restored

the said De\il to his former state. In the same Poem we are presented with familiar dialogues between God the Father, and God the Son -, and are shown the latter taking a puir qfccmpasscs outvof a celestial drawz'r, in order to describe the boundaries of the earth !--And this is what are admire. To honour and to perpetuate the works containing these marks of disordered. imaginations, we lay out thousands and thousands of pounds upon splendid printing

charge the I‘i-ench nation; is it for us to charge the admirers of \ioltairc, Rousseau, Racine, Destonches, and Itegnaxd; is it for us to charge them with ignorance, prejudice, and want of solidity of mind ? And, if the charge, as applied to the whole nation, would be unjust, whence are we to infer, that the representatives of the people of France would not he sufl’iciently‘sabcr for legislative discussion ? For mypartp I care little about the taste of either coun

endcavour to stifle freedom in France, and to introduce that regime, under which the French people groaned for so many centuries. Every thing belonging to France is interesting; because, whatever is done

world. The eyes of all the nations of Europe are fixed upon France: her acts must, therefore, be of the greatest consequence. And, who can express a sufiicient degree of indignation against those, who, like this writer and his like, are endea

rc-established in that country.> They express their decided opinion, that the represeutative government 'zl'z'llfm'l. They are ready to din the public with their

succeed in establishing freedom in France under a constitutional King, and under a system which, being open and frank, u ill put lllz/pog'rzlsy and s/mmr, and tile c/waln _i( to shame. H711], I ask, should there people he so set against representative go

Msornmcnt in France? “by should they '

be‘ so eager to decry it i It is notorious, that, for ages, previous totheFrench Rerolution, we, in this country, were by all our speech-makers,and hook-makcrsmud newswritcrs, bid to hold the French government. in ahhorrenec. Amnsen, that famous partizau oflhe Hanoverinn SHFIT‘R— sion, used this argument against the Pro.

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tender. “ “hat,” said he, ‘.‘ uould Eng‘) .

.- a

\ a

and e11gr-aving.-—And’is it, then, for 21s to ,

try; but, it is necessary to meet, in all _ sorts of ways, every attempt to justify an ‘

there will have a certain vogue in the ‘

vouring to cause the ancient regime to be ‘

filll'é'; but their real fear is, that it will I “ lishmen, free-born Englishmen, have to “ expect at the hands of a King, educated “ in such a. country as France, where the “ Sovereign is absolute, and the people the “ most wretched of slaves ?” And yet we now want, or, at least, some of us want, to see re-establishcd that very governmcntl \Vhat are the French to think of such condpct ?--But all‘this is explained, when we come to another part of the same paper. Not, indeed, the same article; but the same paper. There the hatred of France breaks forth in all its native odiousness; and, by putting the two together, we see clearly, and, I trust, that’ all Frenchmen will see, that it is hatred of them (growing out of base fear), which makes these persons desirous of seeing the promises of the King violated. If- we find a man advising ourselves not to make a certain bargain, for instance, lest we should lose by it, and if we find the same ‘man speaking to others, and endeavouring to excite ill-‘will against us, we may pretty safely conclude, that such bargain would be to our advantage. ' The following is the article I allude to:—-“ To the principle of “ cedingr the Colonies we have conquered, “ particularly to France. we have before “ stated our objections. To render France “_ powerful by giving her colonies, enabling “her to create an extensive marine, and “ fostering her political strength by the “'wealth of commerce, is a dangerous ex“ perz'ment. It is dangerous to us. France “ has‘ the means of greatness within her“ self. Great Britain owes her political “ greatness, and even her independence, to “ her maritime power and to foreign trade. “ France, without trade and colonies, has “ been a match for combined Europe; and “ it. will be well to reflect whether, by giv

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“ ing her these in addition‘to the combined‘

‘fpowers, they are not endangering that “ equilibrium they have been so anxious vto “establish. Is it nothing to say, that

v “ France before the Revolution had the ad

“ vantages in question? She had, and she “ used them for purposes of gross aggres“ sian. To raise that monarchy to unli“ mitcd power was for ages the unvarying “ aim of her Court. But France knows “ her power now better than she ever “ knew it. Her vast resources, her milita“ ry endowments, her political influence “ have been displayed by the revolutionary “ governments in succession, on ascalelarge

i ‘ 3 and will not this be a strong in_

“ ducement to the national rarity, the mi“ litary ardour of that people, again, to try “ their strength with their neighbours as “ soon as they have recovered from their “ disasters? They who depend much-upon “ tlzc c/zangc wlsic/L has taken place in their “ government will do well to recollect, that. “ the zllhgracefiel z'nteifi'rmce qfFmnce in “ t/w quarrel between us and our Ameri“ can colonies took place under a Bourbon “ of the best character; yet, though Louis “ XVI. himself was averse to the Ameri. “ can war, on the ground of its injustice", “ his ,voice was overruled by the majo“ rity of his Council.” This malignant writer could not help even to rip up the old subject of revenge, the American War.’— What! now that the Bourbons are restor< ed, we are to recollect the “ disgraceful in“ terfcrence of France in the quarrel be“ tween us and America."l And we are to bear in mind, too, that this took place under a Bourbon .' Take the whole of this article together, and, I think, you see in it as much malice as can possibly discover itself in a like compass. The French nation is to be kept in a low state; the French nation is mischievous ; the French nation is per-firlzbus; she is the same under all sorts. of rulers ; and, therefore, we ought not to sulYer her to get power by any means.— The Allies, indeed, ‘before they got to Paris, told the French people that France ought to be great and happy ', and that it was for the good of Europe that she should be so. Nay, they expressed their intention of extending her ancient limits 3 of leaving her an extent of. territory, which, ‘under her kings, she never knew.-—~How ditlerent is this language from that of our newspaper writers l They want even a part of the allied forces to be kcpt‘up in ranco for years! But the truth is, that those detestable men think about nothing but the prospect of France being happy and free. The sworn foesof freedom, who WVBITE these articles‘, and (by

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what means I need not say) cause them to _

be published; these supporters of every thing oppressive; th'e abettors of tyranny. These men, who thrive by what renders a people miserable.~ These men are, just at this moment, wonderfully puzzled. Napoleon has disconcertcd them by‘ his abdication, very nearly as much as he‘ ever did before by his wonderful feats in arms. Greater at last than eve r, be saved France from a civil war, and left her in a

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“ bgond‘the contemplation of her old poli-~

state to be great, and to be a thorn in the

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