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55m’, ht‘t'djfille continued under tbe'militmgy

s-wnyof Napoleon ;‘ for, in the former case,

she .v~.-'i'll receive nothing in return for the sacrifice of'hcrrights ; while, in the latter, evenra’lilmugh no other benefit attended it, hot-‘passion. for warlike fame; her thirst for military glory, [would have continued to be-grntifiedto the fullest extent; In the language of the Courier, the new Constitutionabout to be established in France, oughtto hep sourc'éof gratulation to this nationpr-‘f It is,“ says that- journnl “ a proud tribute indeed to this country, that, after-trying all modes, France acknowledges at last that the only real security for public and private‘ happiness, is to be found in fashioning her Constitutional Charter as as'possible after the model of the Britislf-Indeedl—It is the first ‘time I overheard of a people acknowledging the ‘blessings of a 'Qonst‘rtutlon, which had been forced upon ehemht the point the bayonet, - Ifeve'n the 'Senate had been disposed to get rid of ‘the Code 'Napoleon, and to Gdopt the Englifdi Code‘, :is the only real security-fa’ public and private happiness, -why did they not declare themselves before the sword was pointed to their breasts; bqfore'two hundred thousand muskets invironed the hall where-they were assembled to legislate vfor the French peopleir—The Senate musthave known the actunlstrength of Napoleon‘, they must have been aware, that-his resources would notlong enable him to continue thecontcst. If, therefore, they were in reality attached to the Bourbons, as, it is now said, they are to :1 mm], why were they so long 'in a'vowing their sentiments? How can they {excuse themselves, or,where'. can any man find an excase for the conduct of men who llaled ‘Napoleon, who knew their own strength, who were perfectly acquainted with public feeling, and yet, who not only permitted Napoleon, in these circumstances, to sacrifive the best blood of France in a useless struggle, sink, in truth, employed‘t'heir own power and importance in the State, to second, according to the new received opinion, his vain and foolish projects ?-—It is idle to talk of Napoleon having caused this immense flow of ‘blood, if the Senate, knowing his ‘weakness stood by and nothingv to prevent -it.~But if, on the

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‘ beenfully negatived) howtben can it-besaid

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the ,People’s rights," has not hitherto

thought .it expedient to acquire these atl-w mirnble titles in his own extensive dominions ?--I shall be ‘told that the state'of society there, does not justify this. At least then "let us see “that something has been done towards the improvement of that so‘, ciety' ; let _us be told of the numerous

schools and other seminaries which have ,

been established in Russia, for the cultivaq tion of the mind; let its-learn that it has

been the cltieflstudy and pride-of his Im- ‘

perial Mujtnty, to ‘adapt the habits and manners of his people to that liberty which, we are assured, is so congenial withhis ownv sentiments, and to establish which; in Germany and in France, he has made so many sacrifices. \Vhen I am .well informed of all this ; when I find that the Emperor Alexander has made arrangements in his own empire for the introduction ot'universnl freedom, I shall then, but not till then, subscribe to the opinion, which, has now become so general, that France is about to receive, at the hands of her invade-rs an‘ conquerors, a Constitution “ the best cal»culated of any other to secure pnblic'and private huppiness."~l\luch as has been, and is still said, about the extraordinary

,aevohrtion, we find Louis the XVl. in a

I had a place in their minds, we would be

)1 ‘ .

patriotism of the Allied Sovereigns; of their regard for the rights of the people ; and of their‘determination to subvert the thrones of all despots; I confess I do not feel myself disposed to place implicit reliance in these novel professions. I do not mean to say that any of these Sovereigns have rofcssed an attachment to liberty, in w rich they are not sincere. What I doubt is, that they have at all uttered the many fine patriotic sentiments which have been ascribed to them. At one period of the French

speech which he read. to the National Aasemhly, declaring that for ten years previ~ ous, he had desired that the Provincial Assemblies “ should be elected by the free sufiiagesof their fellow citizens ;" and in the same speech he was made to say ;-—“ Con_ tinue'then your labours, without any passion but the love of your country; let the welfare of the people, and the security of civil liberty be the first objects of your attention." Now it is well known, that this speech of the unfortunate Louis, was written by his minister Necker, who, it is more than probable, did not consult his master about one word of it, and merely put in his mouth a language which was called for, at the moment, by the peculiar circumstances in which the King .was placed. That his personal safety,‘ and the rights of the throne, were not the secondary objects with Louis himself, and the welfare of the people, and the security of civil liberty the first, is sufficiently clear from the events which followed shortly after he had been advised to utter these sentiments. At least, we find the French people accusing him of irisincerity, and‘lcading him to the scafi'old because, as they asserted, _“ he had betrayed the liberties of the people which he had not only promised, but had sworn to pmrw ‘We cannot, therefore, be too careful in our discrimination of the language as to liberty, and the rights of the people, said to have been used by the Allied Sovereigns—They may, and I trust, they are the sincere friends of freedom; but if, from mistaking what they say-on this subject, we should be too forward in ascribing to the Em ror Alexander, or b 'any one of them, new and intentions which never

doing these Sovereigns an injustice, shopld we afterwards blame them for not carrying,r these supposed views and intentions into effect. It would certainly be the safest

to wait the course of events; and to'sus-L.

from that country. The people will then-have room tobreathe, to think, perhaps‘to speak, and to compare notes togetha-;:.

‘removed from their throats, have no sip-prehension of personal danger, v~'hich,\.,at. times, has a surprising etfect in determine.

to examine, with coolnessand deliberation}.

giving ‘f real security", and of insuring} “ public and private happiness.” They. will=be able, on this examination, to contrust, it with the Code Napoleon under ~ which they have lived so long ; and if, after: » such examination and comparison, they. should come to the resolution of giving the former a fair trial, they may,‘v at the end of. a few years, be able to say which of them.» deserves the preference—whether the military government of Napoleon, by whichthe national vanity has been so much fiattcred, and the Empire so greatly extended ;. or the commercial and peac'eable reign ofa Louis, with a circumscribed territory. Until some such occurrences take place and some such effects as these are pme duccd, I do - not see how the Constitution about to be established in France,'can be said to be the constitution of the people; unless,indoed, the Senate, under the dil‘flfiv tion of their Imperial Majesties, the Save. reign of Prussia and the Crown Prince of Sweden, who has at last made hisappearf ance at Paris, give orders, as Bonaparte did, when he assumed the purple, to'take the voice of the French people respecting - the proposed alterations. This, in truth, would be recognising. “the sovereignity of the people" and giving apractical proof, that the allied powers were, in sincerity, as much devoted to the cause of thepeople as they are represented to be. But this is an event which, I am afraid, is not to be looked for at present. Even what, in other Cliff‘ Cumstances, might’ be held‘worthy of imi-I tation—the example of Napoleon~—must, in this instance, prove fatal to the measure, even supposing it had been in 'conternplu' tion; for it is not the least prominent £8117 ture in. this counter-revolution, ‘that the provisional government, as-was done when

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way not to believe too much on this head; J

Louis Xltgpyvas dethroned, has enjoined

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the merits of that “wonderful efforteof ' human genius," the British (Iom'titnfiom's which, they are told, is alone capable of

'pcnd our opinion as t‘olpopular feeling in France, until it shall seem Tneet tohther'. A'llies to withdraw their immense legions. ‘- '

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they willlthen, with the sword no longer ,_ .suspended over their heads, and the bayonet -- ’

ing public opinion ; they will then be "

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only say, that there is no novelty in this‘, for the opinions of the many have hitherto seldom corresponded with my- opinions, and, I am afraid, this will always be the case. _ As to the constitution which I consider bestv calculated to promote human happiness, I have no hesitation in

atiug, that the one promulgated by' the National Convention of Fnmcc, on' the 22d. of August 1795, appears to the entitled to the preference over all other constitutions that I have yet seen. It was not the work of a day; nor were those \t he framed it under the impulse of fear, ‘while’ deliberating on its important articles. > AL though the transfer of‘ two thirds of the convention into the legislative body, without first obtaining the consentofthe people, and which afterwards led 0 much serious abuse, was a feature in t 15 constitution, which no real friend of liberty can approve; still, it ‘was fou-n‘ded upon principles so consonant 'with' sound reason, 50 conformable to the present improved, state of

society, and so well adapted to the wants,

customs, and habits of an enlightened people, thatl neve'r'ti‘n'u my attcntiou'to it but with feelings of admiration and regret-—

admiration of the splendid talents display-<1 in its formation; and regret that it should '

haveso soon owed. its subversion to the crimes of any set of men ‘to whom’ France had 'unsuspectinQy‘given in charge so sacrcd atr'usL—The Constitution .of 1795, however, though it gave way, in“ the first instance, 't’oian‘ unjusti'tiable ambition, was

‘afterwards greatly defaced by the estab

lishment ot‘a military government, and has

/ t . I

is

‘ property.» ll. power of doing that which does not injure

.fmally reeeived- itstd'eath blow fi'om the of invaders, will live in tl'tc‘rmnembrance of all who respect the freedom and independence of nations. I should have willingly endeavoured to asslst'in p're‘serv-_ jug this recollection, by inserting it in the

Register; but its great length precludes.

the giving of it'in detail, at least ‘in one nmnber.—I shall therefore, conclude this ,article with the introductory part of it, which will enable the reader, by ‘a comparison with the outline of the new French Constitution already published, to determine which of them deserves the preference; and, if it is afterwards ‘thou it expedient, I. shall give .the conclu rug articles in subsequent numbers :-,-—LThe French Constitution, adapted by the Convention, August 22, 1795. '“ '

New Declaration of the ‘rights and dutics of man, and of a citizen—The French People proclaim, in the presence of the Supreme Being, the following declaration of the rights and duties of man, ' and of a citizen: RlGHTS.—l. The rights of man in society are—liberty, equality, security, Liberty consists in the

the rights of another.-—III. Equality consists in this—that the law is the same for all, whether it protect or punish ,- 'Equality admits no distinction of birth,- no here; ditary power.--IV; Security results from

‘the concurrence of all to secure the rights

of .each.--V. Property is the right of ‘ enjoying and disposing ofa man's own goods, his revenues, the fruit of his labour, and his industry. — VI. The law is the general will expressed by the majority, either of the. citizens, ‘or of their representatives.— Vll. That which is not forbidden by the law cannot balxindered.~—l\'o man can be constrained to that which the law ordains non—VIII. No one can be cited, accused, arrested, or detained, but in the cases determined by the law, and according to the

forms it has prescribed— IX. Those who

solicit, expedite,' sign, execute, or ‘cause to be executed, arbitrary acts, are culpable, and oughtfto he punished—X. All rigour not mecessary to secure the person of a man under charge, ought to be severely repressed by the law.—-XI. No mawaaabe judg-I

. ed until he has been heard, or legally sum~

monedf—XII. The law ought not to decree any punishment but such as is strictly necessary, and proportioned to the offence. -XIIL All treatment that'aggrat'atcs the

, punishment determined by the law is a

crime—.Xlv. .No law, criminal or civil, can have a retroactive efl'ect—XV. Every man may gngsgelns‘time and his services; but he cannot sell himself or be sold: his person is not an alienable property.--XVI_. ‘All contribution is established for general utility: it ought to be assessed uponthe contributors in proportion to their means. ——XVII. The sovereignty resides essentially in theun'rvei'salitypf citizens.—X-V l I I. No individual,‘ and ho partial union of citizens, can arrogate’the sovcrei ‘my—XIX‘. Nd man can,‘ without a legal3 delegation,v exercise any authority, nor till nnypublic function—XX. lflach citizen has an equal right to concur immediately or mediately in‘ the formation ofthe law, the nomination of the representatives of the people, and ‘the’ public fhnctionaries.—'XXI. Public functions cannot become the property of ‘those who ‘exercise them—XXII. The so~ 'cial guarantee cannot exist, if the division ofpovrers is not established, if their limits are not fixed, and if theresponsiblity of the public functionaries is not assured. Du'nas. l. Thede'claration of rights contains the obli ations of legislators: the maintenance '0? society demands .that those who compose it should equally know, and fultil their dutiesr—Il. All the duties of man, and of a citizen, spring from these two principles, engraved by nature in every heart-z—“Do not to another thht which you would not anothershould do‘ to you!‘ ‘-“ Do constantly-‘to others the good you would receive from them."—-lll. ‘The obligations of everyone, in ‘society'consist in defending it, in serving it, in living obedient to the laws, and in respecting those who are the organs of them—IV. No man is a good citizen, it‘ he is not a' good son, a good father, a good brother, a good friend, a good husbandr—V. No man is a good man, if he is not frankly and religiously an observer of the laws—VI. "He who openly violates the laws, declares himself'in a state of war with societyr-i-VII. He who, with

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out openly. infringing the laws, eludes them ' by craft or by addlcss, hurts the interests \

of all; he renders himself unworthy of their‘ benevolence and of their esteem.— VIII. Upon the maintenance of prop rest the cultivation of ‘the earth, all produce, all means‘ of‘labour, and all socialorder.-]X. Every citizen owe-us‘? service to his country, and to the, m, ' nance of liberty, of equality, and of ‘property,’ .as often as the law calls upon him to defend them. ‘ ' i ' t

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THE \Vrrn'! CoCK‘h‘h‘iLHTlIe ‘streets’ o'f London must, on Werlrresdzry'last', have appeared 1m netnmg‘er quite ch'eai‘lirl, giving him, by the innumerable- white cock; ades parading up and ilown-fithe a great mrm'ber orflwedriingi, according fto the good old ‘English- cristorn (if-servant's wear-ing ‘these ‘favours, or‘ embleifis'of ,j'oy‘ oh tiro§e ‘occasions. But to ‘the warm; tbriiiectmrd _r'efiecringf~niind, '- it Si 'gested very difi'ereiit iti'eas :‘ every" eockadeli'einet, reéalle'd to hi8 man‘ the eig/lt‘hniudre'l millionrir has cost the anion to restore the Bbiiihone; who-may, ~perhapsfi§ol themsel've'sohighly 'afi‘rniited ‘ého'uhi 'xye‘uey‘er giy'é‘th’cih- ihelleéret “hint ali'dut 'the ‘figure, éhtlbe upt'to saypthey have'duné in great himair‘rfbytnlimltting'to'iicét'pt our assistanceemgnmhe ‘crown Dl‘liinnee ;‘ ‘thereby

min perr'nission to depart—Like the children oflq-rael'coming out of Egypt, none of these will go away empty handed :‘ what ~_t‘heyi_rnay‘hzn*e acquired by arts, and indus' fly, or by favour, “they will take with them. ‘This, ninqiiestionably, will'be a real publiclesé,T Bank notes ‘will, no doubt, remain, zbiitthéynvill ‘take with them gold and Va;lhablesj Of the amount we can form rid just The French emigrants, ‘Fi'bniih prisoners, and Engliéhmen who will emigrate, cannot however, -be my posed to take less than what the law allows -'-=iizimeiy-'—llive guineas each person. This iriueii then will add to-the difliculty’felt by the great [scarcity of gold. Their depar-i hire-will likewise thin vthe metropolis anfi the country of ihhabitahts»; ‘thus making room, before Winter sets in, ibr‘thc admin’

jniniy iritiiziating, “that winieaae am $61- “the ‘spire-of 're-esuiblifihiiig' the anerem e dynastyjthan for 'the'purpbm of r‘nriitiiig

eio‘n of an equal ‘number of Hungarians?" PriJssinns, Russians, and Cossacks’, to the a!

re'ry great delight and satisfaction-of out ""‘ ’

4 "rebiéem mm.

our own ‘government ‘more ‘secure ‘May, it 'woi'iid‘not he at ‘all extraordinary, if

I'M‘ mun 'xvm. shonld’iiréikt upOIi‘fl'IB re's'ti:

.tui'ron of [such French men ‘of ivélrjas were

shop-keepers, inn-keepers, and farmers, as also or" their charming wives and daughters.

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' CnuN'r'a‘R llzvowriou m Fmuce!

:er'z‘e'a ‘by us at ‘the _:coninmmemeni affiie‘ Sim ‘the Publimfion of last numbw of'flw

revolniion, under the'ptetence 'or‘ireepirig

Register, accounts have-been rece‘ired that

1:61. his afiqmn-y,st-‘Ohm They “ten; ‘the Senate has dissolved the Provisional wards‘i'égz‘lin "the crown; ‘or'allezige','fliatl Govemmémg and ‘hat MONS'EUR ha? we coma ‘have fmkéq, Gs’s'egshm of he‘ takeu'lupon'him ‘the ‘executive ‘power until

Fren'ifh‘West “hrdia' i'sl ds witlr'no 'O‘tlil‘l'i flew, ind, therefore, "(remand their re'sto- ‘ ration aiso—iHowei't-r;ifpeaceis'to ensue, 't'fie‘re w'fllhe‘no gi'éathirl'hfi'n giving 'bacl; 'to’tlie’Boifrbons,‘tlie‘fleét' tfli'd islands‘ we 166k ileni‘their nation; ‘for, I‘atipfehend, ‘we, go‘od Englishmen, ‘are ‘to‘resn'rne our 6H1 ‘rialurizl‘enm‘ity to France ;'* aiiih'ho‘vj‘ever ihiglily‘we may ‘think of the royal 'r'elze, We ‘tire ‘bound to eduéltlerl'tlie' ‘mum, ‘excepting the mlbl'esse and “the ‘grants, what we usedtoeonsider'tliéiii, _g_-'eaters“~hnd "slaves. 'Butftifltih'g it in ‘another [point ‘of view; in _c‘ouritingfthe vast'fmi'm'ber of ‘white cockades 'thzitf‘haiie‘ '“' ado their appearance, we may'._“give a‘

t'y accurate jguess'at the ‘sums expended 'porting‘t'he wearers of_tlien1, arid iiik‘it ‘a happy deliverance to the nation,

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fi'ha'fiile Shall no longer'li‘avei topay'th'e'se

Ihiingérsl-on "their" reépeetive pensions ;. at ‘Teas't, we may‘noge, 'th‘i'it‘thesewill‘be put .fhijs't‘opfto 'w'hen‘t 'e're'ceivers of ‘them ob;

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'- "L" 1* "ll. ii’thc'refore pidyier’flie'y'shoulriagaiir have

iie'etlto’figiit urns-usual ; ‘am! ifiieiprop‘erfth'e rl'louidiha've West‘ liidin ialalnds, that we-mg? seize u on them again if'it were but oke'pp ,1 ' our malzihe, rind to .‘i'pcfi'flah 'bm'liélilld' ing}

lot‘ the Ta

Louis the‘ XVII-J. arrives in fhis *capitaL ‘Prior'tothe suspension of the Provisionl'l Government, a decree was published, doelefing- the while c'ockade to v‘be ‘the "Hm-'tional cocknde, and-the-on‘ly rallying sign of the French ;" and miorher, liberaning all Jpriso'n'ers in‘ France belonging to the allied rpm-erg. ‘On their dissolution they closed their lhbours, which ‘had continued only about tten days, with-‘the tbllowingvaddress :to lire enemy :—"-" Soldiers, "you 'no ‘longer eervcNmo'won, but ‘you ‘belong airways 'to‘itlie country. Your-‘first oath of fidelity flies to- it"—tlint oath is'irrewocabie and=sarcred.—-The new Gonetitution secures m yorryour honours, your vrar'rlrs, ‘land your lLpensidns. ‘The Senate and IrheaProvisiomi Government have recognized your ‘rigl'ils. Illieyareconfident ‘tlmtyou Milne-vei- forget your "duties. ‘From lliis‘rnml'ri‘ehtsyour sufi‘ering‘smml 'your'firtigues cease; Entry-‘oil: glory ir‘é'mains “entire. Peat-‘e ‘will assuro'kto "youthe reward of‘your labonm—H-e‘wliat ’ 'vas‘yoiir‘fite u'n'd‘er the gmremmentwhnh is mow/1m more? Jlarelgjgedifimn‘the banks ' I _ s to those of the Danube;zfl'oin the" ile it‘o 'eh'eiDniepere-i-by'turns

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