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to be made public, and when we are to be favoured with a sight of the new Declaration of the Allies, which, as the Chancellor of the Exchequer admits, may be delayed in its publication by circumstances which may slill arise; while, I say, we anticipate the information which we are then to be put in'possession of, 1 have thought it proper to republish here, the famous Declaration of the Allies, which they issued at Frankfort on the lst of December last; a declaration which the Courier afterwards treated as a forgery, but which, it has since been proved, was genuine, and is now rendered the more interesting and important, that it must have formed the topic of much discussion during the‘ late negociations, and have been frequently appealed to, particularly by the Emperor of France, as forming the basis of a treaty of peace. It will enable us also to judge, by comparison‘with the new Declaration, how far the Allies have adhered to their former professions, and whether their views as to

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“ The French Government has ordered‘ The a

a new levy of 300,000 conscripts. ritotives of the Senatus Consultum to that effect contain an appeal to the Allied Powers. They,thcretore, find themselves called upon to promulgate anew, in the face of the world, the views which guide them in the present war; the principles which form the basis of their conduct, their wishes, and their determinations.—‘—— The Allied Powers do not make war upon France, but against that preponderance, haughtily announced,-—against that preponderance which, to the misfortune of Europe, and of France, the Emperor Napol‘eon has too long exercised beyond the limits of his empire. Victory has conducted the Allied Armies to the banks of the Rhine. The first use which their Imperial and Royal Majesties have made of victory, has been to offer peace lo his Ma-t jesly the Ein/reror of lhe'Frertch. An a-ttitude strengthened by the accession of all the Sovereigns and Princes of Germany, has had no influence on the conditions of that peace. These conditions are founded on the independence of [he vFrench empire, as well as on the independence of the other States of Europe. The views of the Powers


arejust in'their object, generous and liberal in their application, giving security to all, honourable to each. The Allied Sovereigns desire that France may be great, powerful, and happy; because. tbe'French power, in a state ol'greatness and strength, is one of the foundations oftth‘e social edifree of Europe. They‘wish that‘France may be happy,'—that French’ commerce may revive,—that the arts,‘ those blessings of peace, may again H'ourish; because a great people canonly be tranquil in proportion as it is happy. The Powers confirm to the French empire an rxle/tl of [errilory which France under her Kings never knew ; because a valiant nation does not'fall from its rank, by having iii its‘turl‘t experienced reverses in an obstinate and sanguinary contest, in which it has fought with its accustomed bravery. But the Allied Powers also wish to be free, tranquil. and happy, themselves. They desire a state of peace which, by a wise partition of strength, by ajust equilibrium, may hencelorward pre~ serve their people from the hutnherless ca-' lamities which have overwhelmed Europe for the‘ last twenty' years'.———~The vAllied


they have attained this great and beneficial result, this noble ‘object of their eflb‘rts. | They will not lay down their arms, until the politicalstate of Europe be re-established anew,——until immovable principles have resumed their rights over vain pretensions,-—until the sanctity of treaties shall ;have at last secured a real peace to Eu} rope.”

ENTRANCE or Tm: Attics taro PARIS. This is an event which must afford real cause of joy and satisfaction to every one who values the rights and independence of nations; who wishes the speedy termination of a contest, which has for so long a period desolated the fairest ‘portion of Europe, and inflicted misery incalculable upon the human race. as serious in congratulating the nation upon, as any of the conductors of our daily press can possibly be. But I amssomewhat of opinion, that our exultation arises from very different views ofthesubject, and that we anticipate a very opposite result from the same premises‘. Their ground ofjoy is, that the occupation of Paris‘ by the Allies will extinguish ;' has, in fact, already extinguished, the power of Bonaparte; enabled the invaders of France to set limits and bounds to that t'last empire; and put it in theiroption to force upon the French people their“ ancient


Powers will not lay down their arms, until’

It is an event which 1 am y ‘ throne of the Capets.

, purple.

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that period, has so highly gratified their

passion for military glory, and has availed himselfof this to establish himself on the If, I say, the French have resolved to get rid of Bonaparte, I do not 'see that ‘ any man has'a right to find fault with them for this. They gave their consent to his assumption of the Imperial Whatever his enemies may say, it is a historical fact,- that of all the sovereigns who ever reigned‘ in France, not one of them held the crown, except Napoleon, by the immediate suffrage orvote of the people.-—-—This same people, who placed him on the throne, and Ieven declared the suc— cession hereditary in his family, have a right to call upon him to descend from that elevated station, and to compel him to subtnit, if he should refuse. to be seen, Whether the people of France Iwill act in this manner; whether they are so dissatisfied with Napoleon's government as to bring about atchange; and whether that change will lead to the total exclusion of his dynasty, the restoration of the Bourbons, or ol'the Republic. If the establishment of a free republican government in that ‘country, is to be the result ofth'e possession of Paris by the Allies, then, indeed, would the fall of Bonaparte be a desirable event;

“ then might the friends of freedom rejoice;

then might they congratulate themselves, once more, on the opening prospect of liberty and independence being about to he restored to man. down, merely for the purpose of placing ‘another tyrant in his place, and of submit'ting the people to the arbitrary will and 'oaprice of another despot, I do not see ‘how any benefit is to result to mankind from this counter-revolution. = Still, if the French people, who, it must be allowed, are the best judges of‘ their own affairs, =wish the change, in God’saname' let them

But it yet remains‘

But if he is to be per


have it. Let them, if they will, restore the Bourbons, and, with them, the Bastile, and all the horrid and oppressive inquisitions which disgraced the reign of the ancestors of the remaining stock of that now unfortunate and degraded family. N0 friend of humanity will pity them if they bow to this; no hand will be found

stretched out to succour them, if they '

should even submit to the chances of being againreduced to their former abject and deplorable state of political degradation. But, if we are to believe the conductors of the daily press, the work is already done; a counter-revolution has already been brought about; and nothing remains to complete the work, but to invite Louis to Paris, where he will be crowned amidst the shouts and triumphs of a loyal and grateful people. ' The Courier, in the plenitude of its frenzied zeal, thus exclaims:

. “The march to Paris has at length been accomplished—the Capital of France has fallen; and Vienna, and Berlin, and Moscow, and Madrid, and Lisbon, have been avenged. Surely we may now apply with grateful piety the expressions which the Tyrant used at Dresden, ‘ Is not the finger of Providence'here ?’ How often in our impatient indignation at the successful career of ‘ This Desolator of Europe,’ have we wondered that he should be permitted to remain the scourge of men and of nations? Let us now confess that he has been spared till the harvest of his crimes and his disgrace was full ripe. The scene would have been imperfect, the denouemeut would have been incomplete, had he been cut of)’ sooner: something would have been wanting to the moral; some finishing touch and colouring to the picture. The shame and prostration of his character would not have been so openly exposed, had not the edifice he had raised been crumbled lo the dust, and had not he, who had profaned the capitals of the Caesars and the Gzars, beheld his own capital share the same fate.” -———Now one would have thought, that, instead of the mere occupation of Paris affording a proof of the total subversion of Bonaparte’s power, the very recollection of what followed his possession of Vienna, of Berlin, ‘of Moscow, and of Madrid, might have led the Courier writer to draw a very different conclusion from this event. Napoleon was inVienna, as a conqueror, more than once; but we'do not find that Francis lost his crown on that account, or that he was so crippled, in his power as to be unable again to make head against his opponent. Neither do we find that the Emperor of Russia, or the King of Prussia,were brought to this low pass when Bonaparte entered their capitals. Had they been so, they would not now have been found exulting over their powerful rival in the city of Paris. While they would do well, in my opinion, to imitate the moderation of their former conqueror, his apparent humiliation, 1 think, is calculated to alford them a very beneficial lesson as to the instability of fortune. \Vhat was their situation once, is now his. \Vhat at present is his, may again be theirs. - These reflections, however, do not seem to have once


' occurred to the sovereigns who are now in

possession of the French capital. Nothing but the subversion of Bonaparte’s power will satisfy them ; nothing but the restoration of the Bourbons will now induce them to sheath the sword. in a proclamation issued by Prince Schwartzenberg to the inhabitants of Paris, he tells them, that“ the attempts to put an end to so many mis_l'ortunes have been useless, because there exists in the very power of l/tegovernmenl which oppresses ‘you, an insurmounlal/le obstacle to peace.” “ The allied Sovereignsv seek, in good faith, asululary aulltorily in France which may cetne'nt'the union of all nations and of all governments with her; it is to the city qf Paris that it has fallen, .under the present circumstances,to accelerate the peace ofthe world." Here we have an express avowal, that the power of Bonaparte presents an insurmount‘able obstacle to concluding any treaty with him, and, that the Allies had been led‘, in consequence, to seek for another power to treat with, which they call “ a salutary authority in France." This authority they seem to think they ‘have found in {he city of Paris, and therefore they appeal to the inhabitants.. “ Parisians (continues the proclamation) you know the situation of your country, [he conduct of Bnrdea'ur, the friendly occupation of Lyons, vthe evils brought upon France, and the real dispositions of your fellow citizens. You will find in these examples the termination of ‘foreign war, and ofcivil discord; you cannot search it elsewhere.” The conduct ofBordeaux.--C0uld there be a more explicit call than this upon the people of Paris to hoist the standard in favour of the Bourbons? But what removes all doubt


point, is the bold and unqualified

I, ,b ,vkntilzi'hh'éltats been published in our ,_ielio*‘_:‘- Qpr loss (says Sir Charles is? Aloediiighmething considerable;


but we may have the consoling hope, that the brave men who fell, will accomplish the work of the downfall of despotism, and rear the standard of renovated Europe un. der 2 just equilibrium, and the dominion of its legilimale sovereigns." “ Amen (says the Courier} to that sweet prayerl. A British officer has pronounced it; his Government has repeated it; the Allies invite the people of France to accomplish it ! Yes—they have consecrated the ancient standard, and what now can strike it down ?" Very well ; we shall see by‘ and by how matters will turn; for whatever the Uourier may say, this fact'at least is certain, that Bonaparte is still at the head of a powerful army, which, instead of having been wasted and dispirited by defeats, is in full strength, flushed with recent victory, and ready, I still think, to second his views against the allied powers. Had the possession of Paris followed the defeat of Bonaparte in a great battle, it might then have afforded ajsnbstautial triumph to his inveterate and personal foes; but this has not been the case. The Allies‘ have reached the capital without any serious interruption ; a circumstance which carries this conviction at least along with it,, that Napoleon will not leave tltctn'lon‘g'in on; disturbed possession. Every circumstance, indeed, connected with this unlocked foe


alteration of affairs, renders it extremely

probable that the French Emperor was not altogether unwilling to change the ground of action, and to place the Allies in a 5i? tuation where he could operate upon them with more elfect than he was able to do, consistent with the system of tactics upon which they had hitherto acted. The Al? lies themselves seem to have been puzzled by his movements; for, when he was advancing towards the rear of the Austrian army, we find by the following expressions in Sir Charles Stewart's dispatches, that no one could discover his real intention : “ Three objects might be now in his view, by the movements round our right; to force us back; if this failed, to operate upon our communications, and even proceed to form ajunction with Marshal Augereau; or, finally, by moving to his for. lresses of Melz, t/zc. prolong the war by resisting on a new line, while he placed as in the center of France, having taken the best precautions in his power for the defence of the capital. " Even after the combined army had been considerably in advance


towards Paris, Sir Charles appears to have

had no very. consoling prospects, as to the“ result of this movement : “ \Vhatever (says he) may be the ultimate result of the operations in progress, however brilliant they appear, the Sovereigns who are present, and the Prince Field Marshal who leads tlteir armies, will have the proud and consoling reflection, that by their intrepid

manoeuvres, they have acted right by their' countries, their people, and the great cause."v


Now why speak, why even think- of ultimate results, when, according to their own sentiments of the matter, as echoed by the Courier, the possession of Paris has given the death blow to all Bonaparte’s hopes? Why use despondlng language when this great and glorious event has “ signed the death-warrant of his fame and his power?" pose that the Allies were in fact really ap~ prehensive for their own safety; and that the “destroyer of nations" may actually intend, “ by moving to his fortresses of Metz, lac. toprolong the war by resisting on a new line, while he placed them in the center of France." This would indeed be striking a blow which they were not prepared for; this, unfortunately for them, would be cutting off all their supplies and reinforcements; ~ andysupposing this same ‘‘ terrible destroyer” were to succeed in collectin an army, amounting to double the num er of the Allies, and at the same time to bring the army en masse, which has been organizing oflato, into action; I confess there would be some small grounds at least for alarm. 0! but then, says my Lord Burgh'ersh, “ By-an intercepted letter of Bonaparte’s, the objects of his'movements were discovered." Were they so? How then came Sir Charles Stewart to intimate, in-a subsequent dispatch, that ‘Napoleon might have three objects in view; and to evince, as he did, a total want of information as to which of these the enemy meant to adopt. Either the Allies-had discovered Bonaparte's plans, or they had not. If they had, how came they to place themselves in a situation, where-circumstances rendered it at least jrossibte they might afterwards regret the step they had taken? But if, as Sir Charles Stewart seems to insinuate, the Allies were unacquainted with the real ab~ jrct which Napoleon had in view, it is very clear they must have been deceived by

their “ arch enemy ;" who, having very,

likely heard of the late hoax on the Stock vExchange, had resolved [0 try the effect of a similar ruse de guerre on his unwary

vopponents. But whatever view may be

One would be apt to sup-a


taken of this, the reader cannot have forgot the many tricks which have been played off by the belligerents upon each other during the contest, We have the recent, and highly applauded example, of a Spanish commander, who obtained possession of two

‘fortresses by counterfeiting the cypher, of

the enemy. What is worthy of praise in our Allies, cannot surely be censured inBonaparte, supposing he has resorted to a similar stratagem. After all, it does not appear to whom this letter, which contain-‘ ed such important information, was addressed. Some of our hireling prints saythat it was “ a letter to Bonaparte's vrife'." . But can anyone, possessing ordinary


penetration, believe a tale so absurd as this?»

is not silence one of the leading‘ featuresof Napoleon's character? and are We to suppose that a man, who is known to ma-'. ture all his projects in the closet, and never to have discovered these even to his most favourite generals, would sit down on this, or on any other occasion, to gratify his vanity (for it could be nothing else) by dis? closing these important secrets to the Empress? We must adopt a new view of human nature, and of human iutel_lect,..,. before we can bring ourselves/to admit an. idea so ridiculous. Napoleon ltnew well, as’ his army was situated, that there was a chance at. leastof his letter being intercepted; he could easily give directions that the bearer; should allow himself to be taken. To judge of him, therefore, as we have always judged of great militarycharacters, and particularly of his own acting hitherto, we must suppose that be dispatched the letterv in question, for the purpose of falling into the hands of the Allies, in order to mislead them as to his ulterior views. A very short period, perhaps ‘a very few days, will determine» how far I am correct in my supposition. While lwrite this, it. does appear to me, notwithstanding what has happened, that those favourable chances, which the Allies seem to have calculated upon, of ultimate and .full success, have no real existence. Connecting the above circumstances, particularly-the uncertain and desponding language of ‘Sir Charles Stewart, with other facts, which will occur to the reader, -it does seem, that the French people, whatever‘ they may do in future, have not yet declared against Bonaparte. Had any symptoms of this ltind appeared, even among the Parisian mob, we should have heard of it long be,fore this. ‘The gazette-,- nay, all our lyingjournals, are silent respecting an Q65

currence, which, if it had happened, would have formed the most prominent and constantly, recurring theme of their disgusting strictures. Until, therefore, i see the PEOPLE of Francedeclare against their Emperor, 1 never can persuade myself that 200,000 men, or even four times that number, will be able to shake‘the stability of his throne. ‘

- Since writing the above, I have been favoured, by a friend, with the following very pertinent and sensible remarks, on the subject of

BONAPARTE AND 'rt-tr: _At.t.ttss.--——In war the greatest events arise sometimes out of the slightest causes—The interception of

a letter, or any thing equally trifling, may decide the fate of a capital. Yet, had Bonaparte, ttwo years ago, marched to Fetersburgh, . instead of i going to Moscow, Alexander would not at this moment have been in Paris. Had Bonaparte, instead of making kings, converted the many countries lte overran into republics, they would have secured him from royal ingratitude; they would have furnished him with troops to fight his battles, instead of_ suddenly starting up against him as foes and invaders. But the Allies are now in Paris, and the grand question is, what is to be the result?—-—Tlte mask is now conipletely thrown off: the man who, but the other day, for the first time in this metro

polis, was oihcially styled the EMPEROR or

THE FRENCH : the man with whom, under that title, long ago, by other nations, solemn-treaties have been entered into : that man is ‘now to be hunted down as a mad

dog, and the Bourbons are to be set up in

his stead.v Even his father-in-law, and one of his quondam .oiiicers who owes him every thing, now join in the exterminating chase. Such are the ties of affection and gratitude among some crowned heads. For this. purpose the Allies are in Paris, and we understand that Louis the XVllIth has actually been sent for 2 So far then are the Allies successful. But ‘Bonaparte is not yet killed: he is not yet'talten: he is still at large, enjoying the affections of the people for whom, he has done so much; and he is at the headhof-a large and powerinl army, with others at his disposal, and having in his possession a chain of fortified and well garrisoned towns, which forbid exitv to-the invaders -now in France. No such large body as the allied army is reported to be, can long remain stationary, or cooped upin a town: they tnust shortly


bestir themselves, and think of going home again; when, having to encounter Bonaparte's welldisciplined, well formed, and healthy armies of his different numerous garrisons, however they themselves may be loaded with plunder ; with what is ‘termed the soldier’s legitimate harvest; yet encumbered with this plunder, and enfeehled by want and sickness, it is possible that, thoughI they have made their way to the capital of France, they, on their re-. turn, may have sorrowfully to exclaim

with the caged starling, mentioned by'

Sterne, .
“ I can’t get out."

A, wide-spreading torrent may devastate
the neighbouring country; but the land it
overflows, absorbs, in its turn, the wide-
spreading element; the only remaining
traces being stench and mud. 'Bonaparte’s
position is criticaL—Not less so is the po-
sition of Alexander. Bonaparte is' in his
own country, and surrounded with friends.
—Alexander is far from home, bewildered
perhaps by flattery and foreign gold; in the
country ofan enemy from whom retaliation is
every hour to be expected ? Should a levy
en masse take place, not merely the Allies,‘
but our brave Wellington and his army
would, stand a chance of extermination.
While thus stating our ideas on the
possible results, let us not be misunder—
stood as casting the slightest censure on the
cause in which the Allied powers are en-
gaged. The contest is the more meritorious,
that it is carried on by crowned heads,
who, contrary to what has taken place in
former times, are now combating, not
for, but in fact, against themselves. They
are, according to their own repeated de-
clarations, fighting not for the paltry pur-
pose of destroying an Emperor, to set up a
King in his stead; but for the noblest of all
purposes ;-for that for which every man
ought to arm—namely, for the purpose of
restoring liberty to groaning Europe,
Often have they given us their royal word,
that they are fighting for the liberties of
Europe, and against despotism: this,
therefore, implies that if they conquer,
their intention is to render all Europe free:
—to abolish despotism in every shape, and
in every country; and to restore univer-
sally, to the long oppressed inhabitants of
Europe, those rights to which they have an
undoubted claim. ' The Autocrat of
Russia will then restore freedom to his
vassals. The King of Prussia'will then
abolish all Tyrannical proceedings in his
domini'ons, if any exist. The Emperor

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