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white cockade; they called out for the Duke ofAngouleme.” Then came an Extraordiaary Gazette, and the firing of the Park and Tower guns, to announce to the good people of London the happy intelligence. Were I to say all that I think as to the manner in which it was thought proper to framerhis Extraordinary Gazette, I know I would soon hear of this from a quarter, which would probably make me repent of my temerity. But though I am restrained in my remarks upon it, I am not prevented laying it before the reader, nor can he be hindered forming his own opinion upon the margeau that has been given to the public, instead of the entire letter which it is admitted was received from Marshal Beres~ ford. _

“ Aire, March 14, 1814.—I inclose

‘Marshal Sir William Beresford's private

letter to me, written after his arrival at Bordeaux, frotn which you will see that the Mayor and people of the town have adopted the white cockade, and declared for the house of Bourbon.”

“ Marshal Sir W. Beresford’s private letter, to which Lord Wellington’s dispatch refers, is dated Bordeaux, 12th March, 1814.-—It states, in substance, that he entered the city on that day; that he was met a short distance from the town, by the civil authorities and population of the place, and was received in the city with every demonstration of joy.—The magistrates and the city guards took off the eagles and other badges, and spontaneously substituted the white cockade, which had been adopted universally by the people of Bordeaux.—Eighty-four pitces of cannon were found in the city; and an hundred boxes of concealed arms had been produced already.”

The Courier lately told us, that the dispatches received from our foreign agents were uniformlylaid before thepublic'in the exact/arm and shape in which they are reHow comes it, then, that aletter of such magnitude as that which announced the rising of the people of France against “ the usurper," and their spontaneous declaration in favour of the Bourbons, should not have been published at full length‘? How is it that we have been deprived of the felicity which the perusal ofso precious, so interesting, so valuable a documentmust have afforded to every friend of social order and unlimited monarchy? I leave it to others, more known than I am, to answer these questions; for, in‘ fact, the news-papers have dealt so much of late in garbled quotations and garbled extracts,'that I have

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found it a very difficult task to distinguish‘ what was false from what was genuine. But, taking the whole of the above statement to be true; admitting that the people of Bordeaux really received the British troops as friends; expressed a hope that no peace would be made with Bonaparte; went seven miles to welcome Marshal Beresford as their dcliverer; rent the air with their acclamations; hoisted the Bourbon colours‘; and displayed the white cockade. Supposing, I say, this to be no exaggeration of the state of the public mind in Bordeaux, what must be our opinion of a people who could, with these sentiments ‘in favour of the former dynasty, submit so long as they have done to the tyranny and oppressions of Bonaparte? nay, not only submit to his exorbitant impositions, but actually furnish him with the means of perpetuating their own slavery. We must either believe them to be the most contemptible and servile wretches on earth, or we must withhold our assent to the representations which have been given of their warm attachment to the Bourbons. \Ve cannot safely question the latter statement, because we have the authority of Government for believing it. We must, therefore, adopt the former; we must believe that the inhabitants of Bordeaux, when they took the oath of allegiance to Bonaparte, swore against their own consciences, and that their whole conduct; all that they have said ; all that they have done in support of Napoleon’s government, for these ten years past, has been nothing else but reiterated perjury and hypocritical adulation. If this be the case, and who can doubt it after reading the Courier, what reliance are we to have upon the declarations of such a people? Where is the rule, where the criterion, by which we can determine that the whole inhabitants of a place, who have been uttering nothing but lies for so long a period, are now telling us the truth? are now sincere in their professions‘.7—~—-VVere it not that I might be called to account for questioning the authority of an official statement, I might be disposed to think that some mistake had inad~ vertently crept into our Gazette. I might, perhaps, contend, that it was more consistent with human nature to suppose, that the people of Bordeaux were on this occasion acting a part more consistent with their own safety, and their own interest, than with their loyalty to the house of Bourbon. They could not be ignorant, if an invading army entered their city as conquerors, that they would be subjected to severe imposi

tions; but if invited tocome, that both their persons and property might be respected; Accordingly, when it was first reported that a deputation had been sent from Bordcaux to welcome the approach of our army, it was distinctly stated, that this was “ under a stipulation that no injury should be done to the inhabitants.” By thus seeming to acquiesce in the occupation of the place, they were actuated by a very natural and judicious policy. Had they done otherwise, and offered resistance, they could not calculate on any thing but destruction, as ' they had not troops sufficient to oppose the invaders. But there is another view to be taken ofthe matter, which ‘appears to me of some importance. Are we altogether certain that the invitation given to Lord VVellington by the inhabitants of Bordeaux, was not-the result of a previous project of Marshal Soult to ensnare his Lordship; to place him in a situation where he could not defend himself, as at Torres Vedras, against a superior army; and‘ thus compel him to seek for safety in ltis'shipping? This, at least, has the appearance of probability; otherwise it is not easy to account for Soult leaving the road entirely open for our troops, when he must have known (ifit be true) that the in.habitants of Bordeaux were unanimous in their hostility to his master, and decidedly attached to the Bourbons. Besides, we find that Napoleon entertains no fears as to our army in that quarter, nor of any attempts .which can be made to give importance to the cause of his rival. He withdrew part of Soult's army to support his operations in a distant part of the empire, though he knew full well that the consequence would he the immediate advance of the British army, and that there was a member of the ‘house of Bourbon with Lord Wellington. Considering the active police established in France, and particularly the late energetic measures taken to counteract all attempts at counter—revolution, it is scarcely credible that Napoleon could be ignorant of the state of the public mind at Bordeaux; and if it is such as has been represented, it is not easy to persuade one’s self that he would have neglected all those precautions which prudence dictated to be necessary, for the purpose of counteracting the mischief which he knew would undoubtedly follow. I may be wrong in supposing that an understanding subsists between Soult and the people of Bordeaux; butwhen lconsider the above circumstances, and also recollect that the inhabitants of that place, as well as of every other

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city in France, so very lately evinced'their devotion and attachment to Bonaparte by enabling him to recover his fallen fortunes, I am inclined to believe, that the cry which has been raised about the hoisting of the Bourbon standard in the South of France, will turnout like-the clamour of Orange Boven, which, whether the Dutch have derived any benefit from it or not, has had no other effect here but to raise the price of many articles of the first necessity far above their-‘real value. But it has been attempted by the conductors of the vile press of this country, not only to persuade the public, that the people of Bordeaux have proved themselves to be the infamous persons above described, but that‘ “the whole of the South of France is in a state of insurrection against Bonaparte." They have even-gone so far as to assert, that the British government have given their aid, their countenance, and their support, to the royalists who are now in France, and in the train of the Bourbons. Had a statement so unqualified as this appeared in any other journal than the Courier, ‘it would have merited silent contempt. 'But appearing, as it has done, in a journal claiming the character of being the organ of government, and put forth with all the solemnity of an oflicial statement, it ought not to be allowed to pass unnoticed. A pretended news-paper, said to have been printed and published at Bordeaux “ by order,” without mentioning by whom, or under what authority this order was given, has been referred to as evidence of thefact. But it will easily be seen from the nature ofthe language used by the Courier, that the writer of this journal intended it to be believed, that our government actually participated in the measures adopted by the partisans of the Bourbons, to restore Louis XVIII. to the throne of France. The following is the article to which I allude :-“ These documents (says the Courier], supposing, which we see no reason to doubt, that the Bordeaux paper has given afailhful report of Lord Weilington’s and Mars/tal liensforrl’s assurances, prove that the British Government have DETERMINED Io ojford I/ieir powerful sup/Jar! lo the’legitimalrmusé, lo the rights of Louis XVIII. as King (ff France. \Ve enn-rred Bordeaux as a city acknowledging Louis XVIIL; we entered it as a city belonging to an ally. Our General caused this lo be distinctly un— derstood. He sanctioned llze'conviclion in the minds of (he people that we trealcd the Bourbon cause as our own. The sacred flame spreads, ‘under the belief that it is nourished and cherished by this great nation. Having broken the power of usurpation in Portugal and Spain, we have entered France, and taking a Prince of the tegitimatefamily in our hands, he has proclaimed his object to be, supported by us, the overthrow of the usurpation of Bonaparte and the restoration of Louis XVIII. .Lord Wellington and Marshal Beresjord have comnrrro rnettt Govrnnnrrvr, and it is impossible to suppose that they would have committed it without being authorised. The knowledge of this will spread with ra~ pidity from the South to every other part of France, and sure we are that it will be a town of strength to the good cause. The principle is now fairly afoot: it has room to act, and we shall be surprised indeed if its progress be not as rapid as the most sanguine friends to the cause could wish. Guyenne is the most populous province, we believe, in France. Guyennc, Cascony, and Bearn, have declared themselves. Poitou and Saintonge are said to have manifested the same disposition, and we cannot permit ourselves to doubt that Brittany will be eager to throw off the accursed yoke. The proper steps have been taken to make the events that have taken place on the banks of the Garonne, known throughout France. Above all, the tranquillizing assurance, that no change is intended in the state of property, an assurance which removes one of the main props of the Usurper’s authority, is likely to have the most beneficial effect. Under all these citcumstances, so full of hope and promise to the good cause, a cause in which are involved the real repose and happiness ofthe world, we cannot suppose that any of the Allies will longer entertain the idea of making peace with Bonaparte. Indeed he is not now Master of France; he cannot give security for the fulfilment of the terms of the treaty. He might be deprived of the sovereign authority the very week after this treaty had been signed with him.” After perusing the above statement, will any one for a moment ‘doubt that our government had long ago made the cause of the Bourbons the cause of Britain,—and had determined to prosecute the war until they had overturned the throne of apoleon?

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suppose that they would have committed it without being authorized." Certainly not. If they were authorized to pledge the assistance of our government, they did right to commit it. They could not with propriety have done otherwise. But then how are we to reconcile this pledge, with the repeated professions of ministers for these last ten years, that‘ they had no intention of intermeddling with the internal government of France? How account for their recognition of the title of Bonaparte, by sending Lord Castlereagh to enter into negociations with his minister, by acknow~ ledging his title of “ Emperor of the French" in our public parliamentary debates, and in a variety of other instances ‘.7 ——— How, 1 say, can we reconcile this marked and unequivocal sanction which our government has given to Napoleon's claim to the crown of France, with what the Courier now tells us has all along been the secret and hidden intentions of ministers? Either the Courier deceives the public (and this is nothing uncommon) as to the views of government, or this country is acting a part the most disgraceful imaginable, and which must render it an object of contempt among all other nations. If the former is the case, then ought the author of these lies to suffer the punishment which his conduct merits. If there is such a thing as a libel upon a government, surely the individual who attributes to its actions that which is manifestly infamous, ought rather to be made to feel the weight of an ex-qflicio information, than he who, perhaps inadvertently, has told too IIIUCI] of the truth. In a subsequent Courier, something appeared like a retraction of what it had previously advanced respecting the alleged countenance given by our government to the Bourbons. The ‘Times newspaper also, which carries its viperation even farther against the French Emperor than its brother in iniquity, would fain recal all that it advanced upon the subject. It even gives the lie direct to the Courier, when speaking of the assurance said to have been given by Lord Wellington and Marshal Beresford t0 the partisans of the Bourbons. “ No such occurrence (say the Times) took place in the present instance; and, indeed, if it had, the government would still have been

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at perfect liberty to disavow the unautho-

rized acts of its officers." But the Courier, feeling indignant at this treatment, and evidently repenting its former concessions, now thinks proper to reiterate the original statement in the following terms:---“ It

is asked, do Ministers ‘ think it necessary to justify themselves from the charge of cotl'ntenancing the Bourbons in the South?’ To be sure they do not : warjustifies us in doing what we can to annoy our enemy. Our orders to our Naval Commanders are to sink, burn and destroy. By land we must distress the enemy as much as we can; and even if we had no attachment to the Bourbons as the lawful family, still we should be justified in countenancing them,. or any other party that was against Ronaparte.” I am willing, for once, to give the Courier writer credit for what he says about giving his support to any parly that declares against Bonaparte; for I verily believe, if he thought he could form a league with the Devil to overthrow Napo'lcon, he would put his name to the contract to-morrow. But I am not disposed to assent so readily to what he says respecting the countenance given by ministers to the Bourbons. It is true, our commanders have a right to annoy the enemy's forces by land and by sea; but this is a very different matter from giving our support to a. party, who meditate the subversion of the govem~ menl, established by the people with whom we are at war. In a recent proclamation of Marshal Soult, be accused my Lord \Vellington, though I would fain hope un~ justly, of exciting the French to civil war, --——to revolt and to sedition. According to the Courier doctrine, this would be justifiable. Yet how often has this writer affected to repel the charge, with indignation, when brought against the Allies by Bonaparte, whom alone he accuses of meditating the overthrow of other States, and in whom only he considers this to be a crime. It is unnecessary to multi ly words to show,what has been so often emonstrated, that no country whatever has a right to dictate the law to another, even in any circumstances; much less when the people whom it is attempted to controul, hold an elevated rank in the scale of nations. In the present instance, and supposing all that the Courier has told us about the Bourbons to be true, it is clear that this country has interfered without the concurrence of our Allies. I do not see that Alexander has declared himself explicitly on the subject, but there now remains no doubt as to the sentiments of Austria, and even the Crown Prince of Sweden, if his interference is to be considered of any importance, has actually prohibited, by a formal edict, the wearing of the white cockade in those parts of the Netherlands belonging to the French

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Empire, through which he- has passed. How then we, in this country, can think ourselves capable of bringing about a counter~rcvolution; how, single handed, we can calculate upon restoring the throne of the Bourbons, appears to me to be one of the silliest notions that ever entered the headsof any people. Even with the forces of nearly~all Europe in our pay, and the command of means almost unlimited in their extent, we have not been able, after a war of more than twenty years, to make any sensible impression upon France. She has nodoubt been frequently brought to a very low state, much lower than she is at present; but the greatness of her difficnlties, her repeated disasters and defeats, have only served as a stimulus to her energies, and, in the end, to place her on a more ele-i vated station than the one she previously occupied. If, therefore, she has already bafHed all the attempts of the former coalitions; if, when her government was ill the hands of feeble administrators, and her armies frequently betrayed by the treachery of her generals, she triumphed over all her foes‘; if when the South of France was almost entirely overrun by the adherents of the Bourbons, and‘ the recollection of that unfortunate family yet alive in the minds of thousands, she was able to avert the storm that threatened her ruin; how much more must she be capable of extricating herself now when her affairs are in the hands of a chief who knows how to govern and how to conquer; who, in all circumstances, appears to possess the full confidence of his subjects; who has est!‘ blished ‘a code of laws in France, calculated, in a very superior degree, to promote their happiness; and who has given to persons and to property a greater security than was enjoyed at any former period in that country. It is idle, it is ridiculous to say, that what has passed at Bordeaux affords evidence, that the whole people of France, or even a small portion of them, are prepared for a counter-revolution; because it is quite obvious, even supposing a fair representation to have been given of the husiness, that the defeat of Soult, which rendered the approach of‘ Lord Wellington’s immense army to Bordeaux almost certain, was sufficient of itself to produce an effect favourable to the Bourbons, whose cause care had been previously taken to make the inhabitants believe his Lordship had espoused, and whose misfortunes he was about to avenge. Restore Bordeaux to its former situation, by removing our army to

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Sir,-—You have made some very judicious and sensible remarks on the Quakers making so prominent a part in the list of subscribers to relieve the Germans; and you seem to think their principles would lead them to do the same for our enemies, the French; for that the latter are in the same situation as the former, you have proved by documents from the Monileur, entitled surely to as much respect as the letters published by Ackermaun, the printseller and caricaturist. I am afraid, however, that’upon due inquiry and observation, you will find the Quaker society as degenerated as the rest ofus, and that they are guided by a few men, whose wealth having brought them into connexion with Government, they are eager on all occasions to evince their loyal/yJ or, in other words, their attachment to the Powers that be. Commerce has been the evil on which this society has split; commerce, which, as Thomas Paine observed, “ they‘follow with a step as steady as time, and an appethe as keen as death.” The influence of this baneful pursuit I remember to have been first visible during ‘the American war; but its rapid strides during the present war are almost incredible. We have now Quaker bankers, Quaker merchants, and Quaker canlraclors; yes, Mr. Gobhett, even contractors; men, whose dress shew them to be. the pillars of “our Israel," will'go from their silent meetings, and con— tract to supply Lord Wellington's army withfiour, &c.! - Now, if the Society allows itself, on all public matters to be guided by this description of persons, they must necessarily be widely dilferent from what they are represented to‘ have been in the time -of Barclay and Penn. Compare the'manly and nervous address on peace of the former of these eminent men to the profligate Charles 2d, and the late

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nondescript address of the Quaker body to

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the Prince Regent, and you will form a pretty just idea of the degeneracy of this body of Christians. With regard to the subscription, however, it should be remarked, that thevcounlry Quakers are more modest than their London brethren; for they send up their remittances under one head; while the names of the latter are displayed in the daily papers, with all Pharisaical pomp; but this, I suppose, must rest with their Secretary, Mr. Howsno, who seems to know the modern mode of workingon the benevolent! Nay, this man has taken upon him to print the names of the Quaker subscribers in London, and to send them all over England, to excite others to imitate their example; and, perhaps, to shame those sensible and reflecting men, who think they can take as much care of their money, and do as much good with it as other people. The dissenters are continually brawllng against the degenerate clergy; but with what face can they do it, when such a proceeding as the above is tolerated in that sect, where so much manly independence used to be found! I am afraid I shall trespass too much upon your indulgence :but I wish to ask, how it happens, that in this German subscription, the Royal family and nobility are quite omitted? I do not perceive one'name distinguished either in the political or literary world. Our ministers, also, do not come forward. Have no applications been made in these quarters? lfso, I suppose they think proper

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to leave all the charity to the honest audit“ ' well meaning, for such I believe are most '1 ofthe subscribers, and they only want dis-‘

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