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» VOL.XXV. No. 10.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 5, 1814. [Price is.

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COBBETT’S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

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' ‘SUMMARY OF POLITICS. Wan or Ex'reanma'rrou. The faction,- in this country, who began, and who have so long been such strenuous advocates of, under all circumstances, the war against France, have been, on many occasions, and upon tolerably good grounds, accused of wishing for a war of extermination; but, I do not know, that they have, until this time, ever openly and wzequiromlly avowed such wishes. Heretofore, they have usually disguised their real views under the pretence of wanting to obtain security, safely, the independence, or the deliverance of Europe. any disguise whatever, ‘come forward, and express the ardent desire never to have peace with France, till the Sovereign of that country is deposed; nay, until he be [mt to death. as a malq‘actor. -—-These sentiments are expressed in an article, published in the Courier news-paper of about a fortnight ago, under the title of a Meeting, held at the Thatched-House Tavern, in St. Jam's-street, on the lQth of February. -—I shall insert this article at full length. It is a great curiosity in its way. It will deserve attention hereafter; and, it will certainly account, in some measure, for any bitterness of hostility which may he discoveretl by Napoleon against this country, should he chance to survive his dangers, and to triumph over a combination,'the greatest that ever was, I believe, known, or heard of, in the world.—-—Tht- article to which I allude, and on which I am about to commeht, was published in the following words: _ “ At a meeting of Gentle“ men at the Thatched-Honse Tavern, St. “ James's-street, Saturday, 12th of Febru“ ary, 1814, the following Public Address “ was agreed tot—Approaching, as we

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,“ now seemg'to the conclusion of a warfare,

“ tbat‘has been. sustained for the mainte“ nance of Government and the social sys“ tcm, against the assaults 1;)" the French “ Revolution, during a 'period of more than “ ZOgears, it appears to us, that a Decla“ ration from the people at large, of senti“ ments that are suited to the circumstances “gof the present moment, will be highly

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Now, however, they, without,

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“ useful to the great Cause, and will con; “ tribute to strengthen the Government in “ their measure of negociating with the “ Allies—It appears to us, that the poo

“ ple of this kingdom, having made trial of I

“ one Peace, which was used by the Ruler “ of France only as an interval of breathing “ and recruiting for levying fresh war upon “ his neighbours, have, for years, made up “ their mind to the necessity of carrying on “ war as long as the same monster is en“ dured by the French nation as their “ Ruler. There is, accordingly, through“ out this prosperous nation, no call for “ peace, as has been in all former wars. “ Persons of all classes acquiesce, with “ patience and with fortitude, in the bur“ dens and misfortunes attendant on the “ defensive struggle, which is to protect us “ against the slavery imposed upon others, “ who did not so defend themselves. Hap“ pily the Sovereigns and the People of the “ Continent have, at length, followed our “ examplet and the whole of Europe is “ now unitcdagainst the common enemy, “ who appears, at last, to be at their mercy, “ pursued, as he is, into his own territory, “ where there is no sign ofa disposition in “ the people to stand by him, and save hint “from military execution. In this cri“ sis of Europe, it is our opinion, our earf “ nest prayer, and our firm hope, that there “ will be no contract, no treaty, no parley, “ with the Man whom the French stillsuf“ fer to be their representative among the “ Powers of Europe. He is a known liar, “ im/zoslor, thief, and murderer; one who “ would not be borne, as a private person. “ in a low station oflil'e from which he had

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“ there is any thing royal, any thing noble, “ any thing honest. But we having been “ the leaders in this war, it seems peculi~ “ arly our province to give the word, and “ be the first to proclaim our opinion, with “ whom it can, and with whom it cannot, t‘ be terminated.———While we declare “ thus pereniptorily against peace with the “ hateful Ruler of France, we are conscious “that we, speak only from a desire and a “ love of peace; being fully persuaded, “ that such happy state is never to be en"joyed while that man has the power of “ disturbing it, whenever it suits his pro!‘jects of rapine and desolation so to do; “ and being convinced, as we are, that “ such a sentence of disqualification, pro“ nounced against him by the Allied " Powers, is the last step that need be “taken for terminating the war, and re“ storing the former state of things in Eu“ rope. It would be a signal to the French “ people to do justice on their oppressor, “ whom they have long determined not to “ spare at home, when they pnce see him “ thoroughly beaten and discredited abroad. “ The contempt, the hatred, the ab“ horrence of that man's character, have “ long been general throughout this coun“ try; and, on the present occasion, we be“ lieve it to be a general sentiment, that he “ ought not to be recognised as a Sovereign “ Prince, and treated with for peace; but “ rather, that justice should be done u/mn “ him as a malefactor. If this is really a “ general sentiment, we trust it will be ge“ nerally declared. It is a time for the “ people to raise their voice through the f‘ country. When the French first made “ war upon us with their revolutionary .“ principles, and their revolutionary hosti“ lities, the people spoke for themselves, “ in support of the King and Constitution ; .“ and it was their public declarations and “ associations that gave a tone to the exerf‘ tions of Government, which has been “ our main support through this long war“ fare. The contest seems now to be re“ duced to one single object, the overthrow “ of the odious Tyrant himself. Let the “ people now shew themselves, to put a “finishing hand to their own war. Let _“ them declare against a peace with the .“ Tyrant of France. When the popular “ opinion of this nation is once declared, “ we shall see what will be the conduct of “ the King’s government; and, very soon “ after, we shall see what will happen in P‘ France.—Pno Rent: :1‘ Portico.”

Here, then, it is openly avowed, that we \ ‘ /

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ought to continue the war, until we have killed Napoleon, or caused the French to kill him. Motives of safety for ourselves; safety for Europe; motives of conquest, of honour, are all laid aside; we are now to spend our money/and shed our blood, tn this holy war, for the destruction of one man, and for the forcing upon the French nation, that great, populous, gallant, polite, and ingenious nation, a government, or, at least, a ruler, whom they now have chosen to set up over them. This impudent faction say, that they have a great majority of the people of this country with them. I do not believe it; but, ifit were so, that would not change the nature of the doctrine which they promulgate. It would only prove, that it is more extensively prevalent, and would, to every just mind, afford additional cause of regret.‘ The French people are appealed to by this impudent and bloody faction. This faction, who only want the courage to make them murderers and assassins, tell us, that, if the whole of this nation were to join them. in an expression of their sentiments, it, would be “ a signal to the French people “ to do justice on their oppressor, whom “ they have resolved not to spare at home, “ when once they see him thoroughly “ beaten and discredited abroad." Now, how impudently false are these facts ! Napoleon, owing to his having confided'in his German allies, has been thoroughly beaten abroad: his enemies, consisting of all the old governments of Europe, and all. their fleets and armies, have driven ,him into France; they have invaded France on both sides, and nearly all round; they have marched to within 40 miles of Paris. And, have we seen any one symptom of his being hated by the French people? If they had been resolved not to spare him, why have they spared him? Does not an army rise up, as it were, vby magic, at the sound of his voice? Is he not now exposed to that vengeance, which we have so long been told the people of France have in store for him? And yet, this blood-thirsty faction would persuade us, that the people of France are, above all things, desirous ofhis destruction ! But, we are told, that they i are to dojustice upon him; that is to str ,“ assassinate hint; or, at least, kill him 80mg

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how or other; whence we may fairly etih

clude, that the same faction have approvied, if not been the instigators, of all bungling attempts at assassination, whibh have been made by personsgoing fr't's‘m' this country; and we can hardlyhelp‘lid‘

miring the magnanimjty of the people of France, who have never attempted any act of retaliation. These men of blood do not seem to reflect on the exam/lie that they are giving, which example, if the people of France were base and bloody enough to follow it, might lead to the horrible deed of murdering our own sovereign. It must have occurred to most people to observe, that while our public prints are filled with such abominable sentiments as those above expressed; that, while our prints call the Emperor of France all sorts of foul names; that, while they assert, in so many words, that the sovereign, to whom our great and good Ally, the Emperor of Austria, gave his daughter in marriage, and by whom she has a son,‘heir to her husband’s throne, is “ a liar, an imposlor, a thief, a Iyranl, “ a murderer, and a monsler," the French prints never utter a syllable of personal abuse of any of our Royal Family, but as carefully abstain from it as if the authors we'e liable to even our own libel laws for such abuse; and that while our prints are incessantly inculcating the right and the duty of the French people to assassinate their sovereign, the French prints express regret at the unhappy state of our good old king, and leave us in quiet to bestow our love and admiration upon him and all his family, contenting themselves with censuring, and that, too, in the most dignified tone and manner, the views, the policy, and the acts of our government; sothat, the Paris papers scarcely ever contain an ,article, which our libel laws would not letpass, and which even I myself mightnotpublish as my own production with impu-nity.-—This contrast is no less strikingtban it is humiliating to us as a nation; and, if the two nations were to be judged‘ of by it, how little, how low, how contemptible must England appear by the side of F rancel And, upon what ground do the men of blood accuse Napoleon of being an oppressor of the people of

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France ‘.7 It has been shown, that his code‘

of laws is admirable; it has been shown that the Bourbons themselves, in order topave-their way to restoration, have been induced to promise the French people the c gipuance of that code ; ithas been shown, tligehe has done a greardeal for the happiness and even for the liberty ol",France.' are not, these statements answered? Why does not some one of the menof bloodshow,, that these statements are-false ? They nevcaenterthc field of argument with us.They

never appear to take any notice of the‘facts

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sentiments, supposing it to become general '

in England, would influence the people of France, and induce them to abandon, or to murder, Napoleon‘? It is presumption in the highest and most ridiculous degree to suppose, that the French nation, consisting of thirty. millions of men, the most active, most intelligent, most brave, and most proud of national glory in the world, would kill their sovereign merely because the thirteen or fourteen millions of people in these islands wished them to do it. If we could suppose. it possible for such a declaration to have any influence at all upon their minds, we must supposethat it would be to make them love him more than ever; and I have, for my part, not the smallest doubt, that, if they ever do hear of the publications of the blood—men, those publications are very useful to Napoleon, as they must say to the people of France: “ this is the man whom you ought to che“ttish, because, you see, .that those who '“ wish your humiliation, and who boast of “ being theleader- of your invaders, so “ anxiouslywlesire his death.” ,Hesides, suppose the people of France to receive and read such a declaration, .~ mightttthey'not, and would they not, answer inl'somewhat

this way : ‘ \Vhy do you wish us to destroy 1 ‘ in re-establishing Bishops and Priests,

‘ Napoleon ? At the beginning of the war, ' you professed to fght against us, who ‘ had then declared ourselves republicans, ‘ in order to prevent the extension of our ‘ disnrganizing principles to yourselves. ‘ There were some amongst us who said, ‘ that your government feared the effect of ‘ the example of freedom that we were ‘ giving to mankind ; but, at any rate, all ‘ your public declarations professed your ‘ object to be to prevent the overthrow of ‘ regular government. Well l We have ‘ given up those disorganizing principles. ‘ Our government is as regular as that of ‘ Er land, or any of her numerous Ailies, ‘ an , it is Napoleon who has made it so; ‘ why, therefore, would you have us as‘ sassinate Napoleon? At a later period, ‘the war, on your part, assumed a garb ‘ of holiness. You were shocked at our ‘ irrel-igious principles, and you received, ‘ with open arms, those priests, monks, {and friars, whom you formerly denomi‘ nated’ cheats and impostors, ‘and for list‘ ening to whom you abused us very ‘ grossly. You shed tears of pious pity ‘ over the fall of the Pope, whom you had ‘formerly called Anti-Christ and the Scar‘ let \Vhore of Babylon. Your war against ‘ us now became a war for regular govern‘ ment and holy religion; and you listened ‘ with the zeal of converts to those who "toH you, that if you did not freely pay ‘ for the support of the war, we should de‘ prive you “ of the blessed Cont/ads of re‘ hgio'n." Well! We are no longer ‘ of our, then, way of thinking, or, at ‘ least, we do not shock you with our De‘ istical notions. Religion, our old reli‘,gion, is on foot again; masses are sung ‘ in all our churches; the good wives and " their daughters go regular to confess their ‘. sins, and_they count their heads, as former‘ ly; and your religion, too, is fuily tole‘ rated amongst us, and, indeed, enjoyed, ‘ not as an indulgence, but as a right. 'sThis change has been made by Napoleon. ‘ \Vh ,therefore,doyoucalluponustomur‘ der ill] ? Why do you so eagerly seek his ‘. life at our hands ? Why would you have ‘ us assassinate him, who has rciieved ‘you from all danger of being deprived by ‘ us of those “ blessed comforts of religion,” ‘for which that worthy veteran George ‘\Rose, called on you to pay and light, and ‘_who has restored those inestimable bless"ings even to us? Why, you men of ‘blood, would you urge us to stick our ‘,knives into his heart? it is true, in‘ deed, that, in restoring religion to France;

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‘ Napoleon has not restored the monks and ‘ friars to their convents and their immense ‘ property, by the means of which they led ‘ such easy lives and wore such fat and ‘ rosy cheeks, while those who tilled their ‘ land were skin and bone. Their lands ‘ were divided amongst us by the republi‘ can assemblies, and Napoleon has con‘ firmed their grants. Is it for this that ‘ you so hate him? Is it for this that

‘ you so becall him? Is it for this that ‘i

‘ you lay on him with fouler mouths'than ‘ those which have heretofore been regarded ‘ as the exclusive possession of your own ‘ datnes of Billingsgate? Is it for this that ‘ you would have us cut his throat while ‘ he is aslee ? Or, are you offended, ‘ that he did) not restore the lit/us along ‘ with the parochial clergy? is your zeal ‘ for the Church so ver great, that you ‘ cannot abide the idea 0 her being robbed ‘ of any portion of her inheritance‘? ‘ Come, come, do not shuffle at this point,

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‘ at any rate, give us a direct answer.‘

‘ We have read with very erroneongcyes,

‘if you yourselves do not regard ('ilhes'E if greatl

‘ as a monstrous grievance; ‘numbers of your leading men have not ‘ been forming schemes for their aboli

‘ tion in England; if one of your prin-E

‘ cipal noblemen has not stated, to a ‘great meeting of farmers and wool-deal~ ‘ ers, that you laboured under the disad‘ vantage of tithes, which neighbouring ‘ countries were free from. Is it, therefore, ‘ possible, that this can be the cause of ‘ your calling ,Napoleon a lyrrmt, an 0/;‘ pressor, and a man whom we ought to ‘murder, and a man whom we must-and ‘ shall murder, before you will let'us have ‘ peace? \Vould you, indeed, have us ‘ butcher our ruler in cold blood, because‘ ‘he has not compelled us to y the holy ‘ church her dues? If this if:

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the cause, ‘ ‘ or any part of the cause, of your bloody-

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‘ all these hundreds of millions? And, if ‘he did, is that a reason why we should ‘ cut his throat while he is asleep, seeing ‘that the money was expended in a war ‘ against us? And, as to “ security for ‘ “ lhefulure," you cannot, surely, now be ‘ apprehensive upon that score, seeing that, ‘ as you say, all your nation hold Napoleon 1‘ in “ contempt ;" seeing that you declare

‘ him to befallen; seeing, that from being

‘ a conqueror, you now regard him as a ‘ desperate wretch struggling for bare ex‘ istence. ,Why, then, not suffer him, so ‘ contemptible a thing, to exist, it being ‘ so obvious, that a poor contemptible ruler ‘ in France must tend more to your future ‘ security than any thing else could ? Why, " then, not let us remain unstained with l his blood? And, ifallth'is be, at bottom, ." affected,‘ on your'part; if you fear that ‘ he will not only deliver France, but again ‘ carry the French standards‘ into the terri‘tory of her numerous invaders, and, in ‘ the end put you in danger ; if this be the ‘case, if you think that he will retrieve

5‘ his fortunes and our glory, and if you do

‘ not think us thegreatest of fools, or the ‘ bases't of mankind, can you expect, that,

l ‘ for lhi's reason we should become his

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,‘ murderers ? Your war, in its last ‘ stage, became a war for “ the‘ deliverance of ‘ Europe." And is not Europe now de‘ livered ? Is not Napoleon now ready to ‘ make peace even upon the basis proposed ‘ by the Allies themselves? \Vhat more ‘ do you want of him? \Vould you have ‘ us murder him because he has‘consented ‘ to ratify your declared wishes? No, this ‘ is not the true reason why you want him ‘ assassinated. That reason we must look ‘ for in another of your publications, where ‘ you say: “ Is this the time for us to pur“ chase peace for - the satisfaction of _re" sloring a veteran arlny lo the Ckief who “ so well knows how to make use of (Item ? “ Or is it our wish to try how productive “ llte war-taxes will become when we have “ the some army and navy to maintain as at “ presml, without the means of reaping " laurels for the one, or finding prizes for

‘‘ Ike other; when we have given colonies

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.‘ whose “ bleeding bosoms" your Mr. Can

‘ ning, in the true Green-Room style, so ‘ pathetically described, in one ‘of his ‘ speeches to the wise men of Liverpool. ‘ What of your “ war-(ares ?” Do ‘ you love those taxes so much, then, that ‘ you wish the war to continue fonthe ‘ pleasure of paying those taxes ,? Or, do ‘ you mean, that they will be continued in ‘ peace, and that they willinot be so easily ‘ paid as they are now, the sources whence ‘ they were derived, having been dried up? ‘ But, kind friends of ours. .whv should ‘ you keep up (‘the same army and [he ‘ some navy as at present 9" You do not ‘ mean to say, surely, thatryour soldiers ‘ and sailors will notsulfen themselves to ‘be disbanded? Oh! we have it now! ‘ what you mean is, that, if Napoleon cou‘ tinue to be our sovereign, you will not "dare to disband, he being so formidable ‘ an enemy to you, he “ understanding so ‘ well how to makeuse of a veteran army.” ‘ That is it, is it ‘.7 and so, you would haveus ‘ murder him, you would have us not only ‘become assassins, but run the risk of a ‘ civil war and the loss of laws and pro‘ perty, you would wish to return to Lettres ‘ de ,Cachet, Gabelles, Corvées, Seignew ‘ rial Courts, Provincial Judges, 'l‘ithes, ‘ and Game-laws, vand to kill Napoleon, to .‘Qut his throat or stick him while asleep, ‘in order that some weak and '.un\var.like ‘ sovereign should render .us too contempt. ‘ ible to put you to the expense ol main, ‘ taining a. large fleet and army in peace, and ‘thereby expose yourselves to pecuniary ‘ ruin? No, thank you! It is your bu‘ siness to kill him (not by the hands of ‘ assassins) on this account ; but, it is our ‘ business to stand by him; to support his ‘ authority; and to desire, most anxiously,

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