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General in, unless from a motive of the
most consummate vanity? Next, this
chosen vessel has to propose that the City
of London shall he invited to give some-
thing to the fund -, and one cannot help ad-
miring the ingenuity with which he here
brings the poor Nephew again upon the
scene. The City of London, says he,
“ gave my Nephew a sword worlh a hundred
“guineas, and [trust they will give an-
“ ol/ierhundrerlguineas lo the present fund.”
Aman with any senseof modesty, if he had
wanted an example to refer to, would have
cited some instance where the City had
givenahundred guineas for charitable pur-
poses;. but who, besides this teacher of
humility would have thought of thus bring-
ing his Nephew upon the scene a second
time, in order to convince his hearers, that
the City ought to relieve the sufferers in
(Zermany, because they had given a sword
to an English general?——~But, even this
was not enough. The selec't vessel has to
recommend to the Established Church to
bleed freely upon this occasion. Accord-
ing to his account, the Devil is a very art-
ful personage; but, I think, it wouldhave
puzzled the Devilhitnsclf to find out a way
:of booking in the-Nephew here too along
with the Church. Yet Rowland Hill does
it, and thus: the Church, says he, ought
to be called upon to assist the fund; “ and”
(,now, watch himl), “ if I were as high
“ in the Church as my. Nephew is in the
“army, 1 would set the example."
Now, reader, can you form an idea of
egotism and vanity more harefaced, more
disgusting than this? Can you conceive
how a man could find face sufficient to
utter these passages, upon such an occasion,
and amongst an assembly of persons, ‘who
might reasonably be supposed to be toler-
able good, judges of what they licarrl
spoken ? It has often been remarked, that,
in point of front, men of this description
surpass all the rest of the world. But,
though the Reverend Gentleman's repeated
mention of his Nephew was certainly ex-
tremely disgusting, it was not altogether
thrown away upon me;, for, I always
thought, from the language and manner-of
this person, whom I remember to have
heard holding forth some years ago, that
he had been one of the lowest mechanics,‘
or labourers. Indeed, till told of my


"error about two years ago, I thought that he was that famous coal-hoover, who made

such a noise by his preaching; but I then found, that that man's name was Huntingdo/t, or Huntington, or something like it.


So that these expressions about his Nephew have, at-any rate, given the world to understand, that this great preacher of humilili/ has not sprung from the very dregs of the people; but, that he belongs to‘ a family, who have been able to. expend great sums of money, in the work of election at .S'hrewsbury.-—-We come now to the charge which Rowland prefers against the Devil. He says, that Napoleon, in his conduct towards the king, or, rather, kings, of Spain, must have acted “ at the suggestion “ of the Devil himself." Now, we might ask Rowland, in the first place, how he could know this fact, unless he had direct or indirect communication with the Devil; for, Napoleon could not give him' the information without exposing Rowland to the charge of carrying on correspondence with the enemy. If he does not derive his information. from the Devil, his assertion is made at hazard, and, for aught he knows,‘ it may be wholly false. Then, if it he were guess work, we may ask him, why he supposes, that, the Devil should have had so much power. He must, Ithink, say, that he believes the Devil to be more powerful than God, or that God approved of whal the Devil did, in this instance; and, if Rowland adopt this latter opinion. with \vhatjustice, with what decency, with what face, can he rail against Napoleon for the acts he performed at the Devil's suggestion? Leaving Rowland to answer this question at his leisure, let us proceed to put a few, other questions to him, first observing, that there can be little reason to suppose, that the Devil, if he were at the elbow of Napoleon at Bayonne, the same personage has not followed him in all his actions, as well before as after that time’. Was it, then, the Devil, who suggested


,to Napoleon the putting down of the Inqui

sition, and the turning outof the Monks and Friars? Will Rowland say, that it was the Devil, who inspired Napoleon with such inflexible and elficient hostility to these two establishments of Christian ‘Priests? l have heard Rowland bellowing most loudly against the Scarlet Whore of Babylan, whose_seat was the seven hills of Rome. l have heard him rave about the cup of her abominations, out of which the world ltad been made drunk. YVell, was it, then, the Devil, who suggested to Napoleon to put down the Pope; to destroy his power: and to root out the Priests and the superstitions, by which the Pope was supported? Was it the Devil, who suggested to him the putting-down of the idolatry, as it was called, of the Church of Rome? Will Rowland assert the affirmative of this? If he does, what becomes of all his railing against the Romish Church‘, and, yet, it appears to me, that he must assert this, or he must confess, that the Devil had nothing to do in the prompting of N apoleon; for, to suppose, that he was prt'impted by him in some of his invasions and not in others, we must make the Devil 3 very whimsical being—Rowland should observe, that the putting down of the cruel, the infernal Inquisition, in Spain, was not only the work of Napoleon, but it was a consequence of the very art of which Rowland particularly complains. I will not stop here to ask, what sort of ltings those must be whom it was possible to kidruzp. I will not ask, whether it was very likely, that they should be the fittest per~ sons to be at the head of the government of a great nation. These inquiries, though proper enough to be made, do not come within the scope of my present object. The Inquisition, that proverbially cruel and infernal instrument of tyranny over the bodies and consciences of men, was put down in consequence of the invasion of Spain by Napoleon, and of his putting a new sovereign on the throne. Now, could the Devil wish to see this bloody institution destroyed? And, if he could not, why are we to suppose, that it was he, who prompted Napoleon to the act which was the cause of it; and, if we were to suppose, that the ‘Devil really was zealous for the destruction of the Inquisition and of the power of the Monks, should we not be led to doubt, whether the Devil be so very detestable a personage as we have been taught to believe him ?—-It was the Devil, too, I presume, who, in the opinion of Rowland, suggested to Napoleon to esta~ blish by law, and on the clearest ground and most firm basis, religious liberly in France and Italy; it was the Devil, who prompted him to lay the axe to the root of superstition; to ileare all men free to worship God according to their several opinions; to make all religions sects perfectly equal in the eye of thelaw; to abolish all religious tests; to open all stations and‘ employments and honours to men of_ all religions, not excepting the Jews; to give, lII'ShOl‘I, to fifty millions ofpeople, a perfect freedom in all matters relating to religion, ald,tbereby, doing all that it was possible for the greatest potentate of the-earth to do for the success of religious truth. It was the Devil, 'was it, Rowland, who prompted


Napoleon to do all this; who stood‘ at his elbow and urged him ‘on and chuckled at his success? It was the Devil, was its who was at the bottom of this grand scheme? C0me,Rowland, never hesitate, man 5 Say, at once, that it was the Devil, and then ‘you will at least, be consistent.

_ The Bourbon Proclamation {my ANS\V-ER to which has ‘been so much sought for) ‘calls Napoleon an instrument in‘ the hands of God. So, one calls him God's instrument, and the other calls him the Devil's instrument! If I were to ‘venture, if I were to dare, to ‘talk of the Deity in this familiar, this vulgar, this grovelling‘» strain; if I were presumptuous enough thus‘ to trace the events of this earth to the maker of the Universe; if [were thus to pulldown the Deity to the level of my own narrow conceptions, and to make him al-‘ most a party in the squabbles of men: if]: were to do this, leaving out ofview all they great scheme of intermediate causes, ‘I should certainly say, that Napoleon, in giving perfect religious liberty, in unbinding the consciences of so many millions of people, before subject to the cruel persecutions of ecclesiastical power, was urged on by God and not by the Devil. For many years past, we have heard of schemes for the abolishing qf lil/tes, which, by all sorts of people, have been represented as the greatest of nuisances and the heaviest of burdens. From Mr. Coke, the most en~ terprising and publicfspirited agriculturist: in the kingdom, and Mr. Arthur Young, the most voluminous and very able writer upon the subject of agriculture, down to the lowest of the farmers, who, in the scale of being, are but one remove above the clods which they till, or, rather, leave nntilled, and which are the masters in the struggle. From the Lord to the artisan; all, yea the whole nation, have joined in this cry against tithes, as a nuisance, ayburden, a grievance, a cause of impediments to the growing of corn, a source of Want and of misery.---I, who am called a great jacobin, have never been able to see them in this light. But, if this be the proper light to view them in, was it Me Devil ; was it the Devil, Rowland, who suggested to Napoleon to drive the idea of tithes from his Code? I fancy, if vyou ask the‘ opinion of farmers upon this subject, you will find that they are disposed to be


lieve, that, in this instance, at least, he was


surely inspired by God. It is true, that I could wish, as, doubtless, many persons in France wish, that more liberty existed

> character he wiahedto. misrepresent.

in France; I could wish the form of the government to be somewhat different from what it is, and, above [all things, I could wish to see the people who pay taxes fully and fairly represented in a legislative assembly, having the real, not the sham, hold of the purse-strings of the nation. But, even in this respect, Ishall be very slow to blame Napoleon. It is rarely that

‘ we find wisdom in all things meeting in

one man. Napoleon was bred a soldier; he has, from his infancy, been used to military discipline; his ideas must necessarily be too much those of a soldier; and, besides, we are to talte into our view the state of France after that revolution, which the attacks upon her from without had rendered so bloody. ‘When the government came into Napoleon’s hands, the first wish of the people of France was safety for person and property. It was thought dangerous to attempt any new scheme of liberty. And, therefore, we ought notso violently to censure' Napoleon even upon this score; and, especially when we know, that those parts of his criminal Code, which are the most favourable to liberty, were chiefly of his own choosing. It is a fact, wellltnown, and recorded in the speech of the person who proposed to the legislature the institution of trial byjury, that France owes this in particular to the inflexible adherence of the Emperor himself. \Yho, then, has aright to abuse him in the style which the base prints of London daily employ? They call him “ the tyrant,” not only as if he weretalgenfor grantedto be one; but as if Ire was thepnly one in, the whole world. Mr. Cannipgsoyalled him; but he did not attempttoestablish the justice of that hate,Iuhappellatipn ",l he attempted to cite no insgrnces ohthe tyrannyol which hespolte. In short, likeRowland, Mr. Canning was a ealunsyyia'tor.of1 a sovereign, of, whose conduct he vvlasignvorant, or whose actions and


I shall herg'vt'alte‘myileaye of Rowland, with a visinghim to._ confine his~ attacks 'upon ,pojeop and'the, Devil ttxhis, preachings, anelthep, hentillbejnno danger ‘oftspreaclinggthe knowledge oi. his‘, ignorance and ligujty beyond theiwalls of his Meetirga seP .

_ My. Mann sun Cursor Canasta. awSinqe mylast atticleuponthis subject, to,whiqll_ the readettwill please to refer, in page, 1499f; the, present volume, I. have seen. soptgaulltealiedqcumenls on the other side; tq’say, in favourlpficaptain Campi‘crmntei 44


bell and against Mr. Maut.-—-Before I notice these, I will state Mr. Mant’s charge against Capt. Campbnll. It is this, that Captain Campbell, the commander of an English squadron, stationed in the Adriatic, did cause vessels of neutrals as well as of enemies to he stopped; and that, instead of sending them to Malta for trial, as prizes, agreeably to the law and his orders, took money from the Captains and Owners, and then let the vessels go their‘ way. This is the substance of the charge; and a very heavy charge it is. In short, theact here described, is an act of neither man: nor less than piracy upon a grand scale. Mr. Mam says, that he was the person appointed to stay on shore to negociate these ransonts, and to receive the money, and that thus it was he became acquainted with the facts.-—-This is a matter in which the interest and honour of the country aradeeply concerned, and, I am, therefore, very: gladv to be able to state, that, from authentic documents, which I have now seen, I am convinced it is wholly unfounded. The case is one which would admit of misrepresentation, as, indeed, what case will- not; but, after having examined thedocuments, to which I allude, with great care, Istate it as my perfect conviction, that. the charge against Captain Campbell. is. totally destitute of foundation. I wish I could give the same opinion as to the charge, which Mr. Mant says has been. made against him. It was this; that, having been sent on short: by his Captain to manage the atl'airs of the prizes, he, Mr. Mam, took money/0r himself, in an unfair way. I said, in my last, that, as far as I could judge from hearing one side, Mr. Mant had exculpated himself from this charge, I have now, not heard, but seen, the other side. I need not dwell long. upon. the subject.‘ It is a painful one, especially when I reflect on the respectable connexion: of Mr. Mant. I have seen an original document, regularly attested heforenlegali authorities, showing that ‘Mr. Mant re— ceived. 200 dollars “ TO CAUSE ME," says the person who makes the declaration “ TO HAVE 0N ADVANTAGEOUS! “TERMS THE GOODS: I: BOUGHT“.OF HIM.” These were prizevgoads, which Mr. Mant soldlor-thebenefitof the. Captain and crew of. theship towhich he belongeds—wAnotherdocumenLis a pass-1 port to permit-'2. vesselimpcoqscd. wit/ta. conga. ojiulm, signed hyGapltainCantpn. hell;- ‘But, alltecthesignature, andswitlr.


Four, Captain's knowledge, Mr. Mant. ‘ interlines, or rather adds, in other ink,‘ the words “ and to return will: me’rchan— . “ dire." The master of the vessel, fear-‘ ing that the interlined words would carry a suspicious appearance, went- to Captain Campbell and asked him for a fresh pass? port, telling him that he had paid Mr. Mant- 300 dollars for the part interline'd'. It was wholly unlawful for Captain Campbell to grant any passport “ lo return with “ merchandise,” and he therefore refused it. Mr. Ma'nt, ‘when the master re‘turned to him, drew up a paper, which I have seen in his own hand writing, for the master to sign, declaring that he, the master, had not paid Mr. Mani any money {or the interlineation; This paper was not signed, but was carried‘tinsi'gnedto'Capt. Campbell ; and, another document, clothed with all legal fonns, proves that’ a third person was present, when Mt‘HMant offered the master of‘ the vessella return him the 30060111113‘, if he would sign the aboveinentioncd' paper,‘ declaring that he had never paid hiin, and never sitidthat he paid him those very‘ 300- dollars‘, which were, on’ such condition, to‘ he returned. This-was'qiiite enough for the,‘ and'I dare ‘say, thatv it" will‘ be quite et‘loilgh‘ for the ‘public, as‘tb the charge of Captain Campbell-a ainst'MrgMant. ‘ The legality or ille hty of the disposing of "prizes ‘without sen ing then! in for trial, and of making compromises ol’ the kind stated liy M'rf. Mam, in charge against his'_Ca"ptaiu, is wholly anothe'r‘question. A's"! have said lielore, I am'convirtced that Captain Camphell did nothing‘unhwi'trlfor, at least, that he‘ did dot’ depart'from the real spirlt of his orders and the law. And, I think; that'if he'had‘ not been conscious of’ having done‘ nothing unlawiul, he never‘ would have proceeded to such “extremities against Mr. Mant, who was master ol‘all the proofs against him. It is not usualiot' a'man'to excite the rage of one who has him‘so much in his power. Besides, if'there had been any deviation from the law‘ in 'these' prize transactions, Mr. Mam‘, as the’vo— iuntary agent, must have taken" his__full share'of the guilt‘; and, the'tnost awkward circumstance bf‘a‘ll,‘ for’ him, is, ‘that’ we do not‘h'ear'o‘f any'coniplaint of his ‘upon this score, until afler- the‘ Ga tain 'has

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Pursue Fzsuxc. I have inserted a, letter below upon this subject, which I. think not undes-erving' the notice of my readers. - I am glad to find that there are some indit‘idnals w‘ho‘ entertain hopes, that the public mind may yet be roused fromthe lethargy 'with which all classes of society scem'to be seized; but I never was very saligulnethat‘any exertions of mine Could overcome this ' sottisliv disposition. The writer ofthel'etter to which I allude thinks he discovers symptoms of “ returning rca'l "‘ son" among the multitude, in the fluetuation ol' the stock exchange; in the boldn'e'ss of the public'press; and in the present. state ‘of the contest in‘the'licld. It is true,


that’ the fluclualion of the stock exchange '

has been ‘regarded as the barometer of public feeling; but I question much whether this feeling ever went deeper than the‘ hot~ tom ofta'm'rtn’s'pookel. A‘t present, it cvi; déntly has no other efl'ect'u on the holders of stock',"thail to‘set thein'aiiourcontrivlng schemes‘to raise the: funds when they are

low, or to ‘keep them from falling when.

they’have‘rea'ched a delsiralile pitch. 1“ never yetewas able to find at single stock-jobber,' who was led from contemplating the rise‘ or ‘the fall of sto'clt,"to view'with ats ten'tio'n th‘e'rllinous state'ol‘ the country; to turn his mind‘seriously to what‘ the much ‘talked of deliverance of; Europe‘ is likely to Malta‘; or‘to inquire what wasthe amount 'of' the national debt’, at ‘what rate it was accumulating, or‘how it would‘bear upon the country, should peace with France he the result of the present negociations. As to the present stale of the contest in thefield, Ihave as little hope from this source. The Allies appear to my correspondent to have actedfoulishly in not pushing forward, and improving the advantages which victory had given them over the enemy. But I suspect',vnotwithstanding all that our wise conductors of ‘the press say aboutthe ignorance, the- stupidity, and the cowardice of the Emperor’ Napoleon, that the Allies Maw him much 'better‘than ‘we do. He‘ 'isnot a soldier of yesterday, nor need they be‘told that they‘have all'hcen’compelled, in their turp, to how"h'eueath his_victorious arm. The‘ people here,_ however, have been so tile-‘anally worked ‘upon by base and hire; ling writers, and‘ the same vile and unfounded calamities‘ so ~ajteiz ‘repealed against


E ' .

the French Emperor, that were he again to force the invading armies to recross the Rhine; nay, were he even to drive them back to the Elbe; such is the besolled state of mind to which the multitude are reduced, such their willingness to be deceived, that I am persuaded they would not allow this to he the effect of victory on the part of the enemy. During the whole of Napoleon's progress to Moscow, a distance of about 1,500 miles from Paris, we heard of nothing but defeats and disasters which attended him. Every advantage which he obtained, was converted into a victory gained by the Allies; and even when the battle was fought which removed the last obstacle to Buonaparté’s entering the ancient capital of Russia, we were gravely told, that the French army had sustained so signal a defeat, had been so completely dispersed, that scarcely a man of them was to be found; and that Buonaparté himself, who, it was said, had fled with the utmost precipitatlon from the field of battle, was certain of being taken prisoner. All this was not only put forth in foreign journals, and ‘Te Deum chanted by our pious Allies for the glorious success ; but here, aye, in this am lightened country, every letter of it was believed, and the highest expectation prevailed at the time, that the “ Corsican" would soon be exhibited to the gaping rabble, as some “ fell monster” who had hitherto de~ solated the earth, and “gorged in human blood.” Every victor , in fact, which Buonaparté has gained, as been treated by his enemies as of no account, and steadily viewed in the same light by the mass of the people, who, 1 do not find, are less credu

ous at present than when the arms of France were almost every where victorious. But if 'I calculate upon little towards the enlargement of the public mind, resultingr from the state of the contest in the field, I expect'still less from the public press. It is long since the liberty of the press could,

‘ with any propriety, be regarded as the pal

ladium of British freedom. It is even a matter of doubt, whether the art ofprinting has not become a greater curse than it ever was a blessing. The notorious profligacy and total disregard of principle so prevailing in the world, has directed the power~ Iul means, originally intended for the benefit of society, towards checkin free discus~ sion, 'arresting the progress 0 inquiry into public abuses,‘ protecting notorious delinquents, and exercising a novel and unwarrantable rigour against every press possessing the least semblance offreedom, that no


man even dares avow him honest sentiments as to public measures, without running the risk of being utterly ruined by what are termed legal proceedings. But this is not all:—~Though the corrupt and ignorant dread the existence of a free press, they feel no hesitation in converting it into an engine to serve their own purposes. Aware that it may be employed with equal success in deceiving as in undeceiving mankind, they have availed themselves of its powerful influence, which they have rendered more extensive in the propagation of error, than it ever was in the promulgation of truth. At this moment there is scarcely a single news-paper that is not indebted, in one shape or another, to the fostering hand of corruption, and even where symptoms of patriotism do sometimes appear, the cause of truth is advocated in so feeble a manner, and the writers who pretend to support it, are under so much restraint, that they seem rather to make advances towards a total surrender of the limited portion of independence which they enjoy, than to be the champions of the people's rights. The effect which this degraded state of the press has had on the public mind, is what it will always be among a people who court deception, and who seem to cherish it the more that they are deceived. Truth with them becomes fiction; vice, virtue; defeat, victory; and victory, defeat: what common sense pronounces ruin and wretchedness, is thence deemed prosperity and comfort; and the destruction of commerce more desirable than the employment of our starving manufacturers. Those measures which every enlightened politician condemns as fatal to happiness and independence, are applauded as the result of a wise and profound policy; and the confidence which powerful men have thereby acquired, not only encourages them to persevere in their pernicious schemes, but to conspire more effectually against public liberty. My correspondent “ Hortator" has flattered me by supposing, that i am “ alone suliicient to unteach the English world the follies, which its own ductility, practised upon by interested craft, has rendered it so easy to adopt." I am of opinion, however, with Sowuou, that “ it is more difficult to convince a fool of his folly than for seven wise men to render a reason." If the task then is so difficult with one fool, what must it be with the many.’ I have not the vanity to think that my feeble exertions are suflicient to avert the impending storm: nothing, I am

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