This

There can now remain no doubt as to theject of Prize concerns, and stated, that I real character of the man, on whose eulogy had learnt, that Mr. Mant was about to I have been observing. If any thing were make a publication respecting it.I now wanting to give to that character a finishing have that publication before me; and, touch, it would be found in the fulsome, from its contents, I am persuaded, that it the disgusting, the loathsome, the nause- must lead to serious investigation.-From ous adulation, which the Memoir says that this publication, it appears, that about five this "noble-minded, this angelic man years ago (the publication being in point of paid to the Emperor of Russia and other dates very deficient), Captain Patrick princes, enemies of his country.-Reader, Campbell commanded the Frigate, Unité, behold this man, who once slept on beds and had also the command of a squadron of made of the colours wrenched from Russia cruisers in the Adriatic, and that Mr. and Austria and Prussia, by his valiant coun- Thomas Mant was the surgeon of the Unité. trymen under his command, and urged on by →→→It appears that Mr. Mant was sent to the cry of liberty; behold this man, this Co the town of Trieste by the Captain to riolanus of Grosbois, now ranged on the manage the pecuniary matters, relating to side of combined kings against the armies prizes; and that the Captain has accused of his country, exclaiming, at the first in him, and perseveres in accusing him, of terview with the Emperor of Russia: peculation, in that management. "Ah! my dear Svinine, what a man is charge the publication rebuts, and, as far the Emperor! from this moment I have as the proofs on one side can go, it does, I “contracted the sweet and sacred obligation think, rebut the charge with success. "of sacrificing my life for that angel of But, this is far from being the most im "goodness;" behold this man, rebuking portant branch of the subject, which, insharply a Russian General for calling the deed, would not have required my notice Emperor "the best of princes," instead of of it, had it not been for that other branch calling him "the best of men behold of it, in which the public, in which the this man, this great captain of the republi- interest and honour of the nation, appear to can revolution, who asserted his civism me to be deeply concerned. -To enter even when in the Temple, discovering, at upon this important matter I must, how first sight, in the mind of the Grand ever, have more room to spare than I have Duchess of Oldenburg (the Emperor's sis- at present. I must, therefore, put it off ter, I believe) "the Great Catherine her- till my next. "self, with a genius that astonished and "with manners that captivated all who knew WHY ARE WE AT WAR WITH FRANCE? "her" behold this man, who, while in This is a question which few people will be the Temple, told Napoleon, that he was at the trouble of asking, and which still vain enough to believe himself entitled to fewer are willing to investigate, even althe hatred and the revenge of England, re- though they could bring their minds to put ciprocating the compliments said to have it to themselves. I am not surprised at been paid him on his death bed by the this reluctance, when I consider how often Duke of Cumberland; to conclude, reader, the enemies of France have changed their behold this man, who owed his renown views, at least pretended to change them, and his fortune to the arms of his valiant respecting that devoted country. To enter countrymen, receiving, while in the ranks into an exposition of all the absurd projects, of the enemy, his death-blow from the and all the different plans laid down, from hands of those countrymen, and using his time to time by the Confederates, as nelast breath in dictating a letter of praise to cessary to be adopted by the French people, his new and "angel" of a sovereign! before they would acknowledge their indeBehold him thus, for thus the Memoir re-pendence, is a task which I do not intend presents him to us; behold him thus, tak ing into view all the foregoing facts, arguiments, and conclusions, and then pronounce decidedly and aloud your judgment upon his conduct and character.

MR. MANT AND CAPT. CAMPBELL.-I, some weeks ago, noticed a very serious dispute, existing between these gentlemen, both resident at Southampton, on the sub

to impose on myself. It is sufficient for my present purpose to state, that these projects always appeared to me deserving of contempt, and that for the best of all reasons, namely, that France, the party whose interest was more deeply involved in these proposed arrangements than all the other States of Europe, was never consulted respecting them. In one view her importance was regarded by these

States of sufficient magnitude to satisfy | bosom of peace. But, no; France had dethem that it would require the whole clared herself free: her sons had ascended of their military strength to bring her to a that proud eminence which nature gave compliance with their wishes; but, in them a right to ascend. This, in the eyes another view, they would not allow that of their oppressors, was treason against she deserved any consideration, when their authority; was a crime of the deepest the questions came to be discussed,-Who die, which could never be forgiven. Liwere to be her rulers? What should be berty, which had "marshalled her way to the limits of her territory?-But though" renovated France," after she had in vain I do not mean here to illustrate these topics; though I am disposed at present to spare these men the mortification, which a recurrence to them would occasion; I think it may not be amiss to carry them back to the commencement of the war; and to place before their view a few of those circumstances connected with that eventful period; many of which bear a strong resemblance to the occurrences of the present day, and cannot admit of an equivocal construction.- -In 1792, the affairs of France were at as low an ebb as they are now represented to be, and then, as at this moment, her territory was invaded by the combined forces of Europe.. -A resemblance so very striking, naturally carries the mind back to the early periods of the revolution; and if the causes of this similarity are impartially inquired into, we may perhaps find that the motives which actuate the conduct of the enemies of France in 1814, and those which influenced them in 1792, are not materially different. At the Jatter period, nothing was so much thought of, nothing so loudly talked of, and nothing so earnestly wished for, as the destruction of the revolutionists of France. The consternation, which an event that professed to carry with it so many terrors to the oppressor; which promised emancipation to the enslaved, and ultimately to deliver Europe from the grasp of civil and religious despotism, was well calculated to arouse from their lethargy those who felt interested in the continuance of established systems. Whatever may be said of the enormities which stained the early part of the French Revolution, or of the extravagant views of many of those who figured in that extraordinary scene, it cannot now be denied that, if the people of France had been left to themselves, the furor with which they were then agitated, and which is, perhaps, inseparable from great political convulsions, would have exhausted itself and subsided into a calm; that all the blood-piness of nations. Frenchmen had done no shed, which has since desolated the earth, would have been prevented; and, instead of the torch of war blazing among civilized nations, mankind might have been universally cultivating the arts and sciences in the

sought an asylum in other countries, was assailed in France by the cry of the dèspot; was here doomed to struggle for existence against the united efforts of prejudice, of superstition: against all which interest, which intrigue, and which the arm of power were capable of accomplishing. By a strange infatuation, millions of human beings, who assumed the name of freemen, gave their support to a cause, which its very partisans openly proclaimed to be inimical to the dearest rights of humanity; and actually sacrificed their lives for the declared purpose of imposing slavery upon a whole nation born like themselves to be free. It is a fact known to every man in the least acquainted with the history of France, that its government previous to the revolution, was one of the most despotic in Europe; that, in contrasting it with the British constitution, no one hesitated to pronounce it an absolute tyranny; and that the French people, who lived under it, were base and contemptible slaves. This was the opinion which universally prevailed among Englishmen; it was the theme of their public and private conversations; and it formed the topic of animadversion in every publication which contained any allusion to France. It cannot be supposed that this frequent recurrence to a subject so distressing, proceeded from envy, or that any man who reflected upon it, could be so destitute of all generous feelings as to wish this state of, vassalage to be perpetuated. No; the sensation which universally prevailed, proceeded from the interest which every one took in the degraded condition of the people of France, and from a sincere desire to assist them in liberating themselves from so disgraceful a bondage. Accordingly, the moment it was known here, that attempts at freedom were making in France, the event was hailed by a vast majority of the people, and by many of the higher ranks,, as propitious to the hap

more than had been done by Englishmen. The latter had accomplished, by revolu tionary means, the establishment of a constitution which imposed limits, and restrictions upon the power of the crown:

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the former had established a limited mo-tection to the emigrants, narchy in France. What could be more plying with this request, he augmented his desirable, what more congenial with the armies on the frontiers of France, which wishes of the inhabitants of Britain? rendered it no longer doubtful that he meWe shall very soon, however, find that ditated an invasion of the country. In a party existed in this country, who these circumstances the National Assembly were enemies to the rights of the peo-brought matters to an issue by a Declaraple; who censured all attempts at ameliorating their condition. But as the favourable opinion entertained here of the French revolution, prevented its opposers for some time from declaring themselves, let us direct our attention for a little to the conduct pursued by the coalesced powers. It has been already observed, that an event of such magnitude as the revolution in France, was well calculated to alarm some other governments, particularly those in its immediate vicinity. Among these the Emperor of Germany was not the last who evinced his fears. Under pretence of maintaining the inviolability of the crown of France; dissatisfied with the restrictions imposed by the people upon the exercise of the sovereign power; stimulated by the clergy to insist for indemnity for the losses they had sustained by the new order of things; and afraid lest the example of France should have an effect upon his own subjects; the head of the Electorate prevailed upon the German Princes to enter into his views, and to make common cause against France, for the purpose of restoring the ancient government. At the very moment this resolution was adopted, the French people were peaceably engaged in forming for themselves a constitution, in which the right of the Bourbons to continue the sovereignty was unequivocally recognized. Louis the XVIth had no doubt incurred the displeasure of his subjects by attempting to escape from France, a circumstance, considering the state of the public mind, no way calculated to remove the suspicions entertained by many, that he was in secret correspondence with the enemies of his country, and approved of their measures. But the nation were willing to overlook this. Their earnest desire was to see their country restored to liberty; and although they had received innumerable and repeated insults from surrounding states, they were inclined to submit even to these injuries, rather than give up the advantages which they promised themselves in a state of liberty and of peace. The Confedera tion which had reared its formidable head against them, was, however, resolved to oppose this. Application had been made in vain to the Emperor of Germany to withdraw from the league, and refuse his pro

tion of War against Austria, in which, after enumerating her causes of complaint, it was stated, "that the French nation "faithful to the principles of its constitution, which forbid it every kind of conquest, and from arming against the liberty "of any people, is now arming only for its own freedom, its independence and its "sovereignty." Had the Confederation been disposed to admit the justice of the principle, that no nation has a right to arm itself against the liberties of another people, Louis the XVIth might yet have been alive; the throne secured in the family of the Bourbons, and the war which has desolated Europe for more than twenty years, been averted. But the Allied Sovereigns, forgetting that the happiness of a people alone constitutes a monarch's greatness, regarded the recognition of these principles as a new crime committed by France; and because the government which she had chosen for herself, had resolved on defending her territory; this was held as a sufficient reason for inflicting the severest punishment that could be devised on all who had patriotism enough to give it their support.---What in every age of the world was esteemed the highest virtue; what in this country was so recently, and so strenuously recommended by our own government, by the senate, and from the pulpit, as the first of duties; the taking up arins to defend us from invasion; was considered in the French people a crime so enormous as to merit utter extermination. This threat was conveyed to the French nation, in a Manifesto of the Duke of Brunswick, as Generalissimo of the Allied Armies, dated Coblentz, 25th July, 1792. As this extraordinary and celebrated document serves more to lay open the views and designs of the coalition than any other part of their proceedings, and as I will afterwards have frequent occasion to notice its contents, I shall here give it at length, be fore proceeding any farther in my remarks.

"Declaration of his Serene Highness the

reigning Duke of Brunswick and Lunen-burgh, Cominander of the Combined Armies of their Majesties the Emperor and the King of Prussia, addressed to the Inhabitants of France. "Their majesties the emperor and the

king of Prussia, having intrusted me with is with this view that I, the underwritten, the command of the combined armies, as-general commandant in chief of the two sembled on the frontiers of France, I think armies, do declare, it my duty to inform the inhabitants of that 1st, That, drawn into the present war kingdom of the motives which have in-by irresistible circumstances, the two alfluenced the conduct of the two sovereigns, lied courts have no other object in view and of the principles by which they are than the welfare of France, without any guided. pretence to enrich themselves by making. conquests.

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and without obstacles, such convocations as he shall judge proper, and for endea vouring to ensure the welfare of his subjects, according to his promises, and to the utmost of his power.

"After arbitrarily suppressing the rights, and invading the possessions of the German "2d, That they do not mean to meddle princes in Alsace and Lorrain; after hav-with the internal government of France, ing disturbed and overthrown in the interior but that they simply intend to deliver the part of the kingdom all order and lawful king, the queen, and the royal family, from government; after having been guilty of their captivity, and to ensure to his most the most daring attacks, and having had re- Christian majesty that safety which is necourse to the most violent measures, whichcessary for his making, without danger are still daily renewed against the sacred person of the king, and against his august family those who have seized on the reins of government have, at length, filled the measure of their guilt, by declaring an unjust war against his majesty the emperor, and by invading his provinces of the Low Countries. Some of the possessions belonging to the German empire have been equally exposed to the same oppression, and many others have only avoided the danger by yielding to the imperious threats of the domineering party and of their emis-. saries. His majesty the king of Prussia, united with his imperial majesty in the bands of the strictest defensive alliance, and as a preponderant member himself of the Germanic body, could not refuse marching to the assistance of his ally and of his coestates. It is under this double relation, that he undertakes the defence of that monarch and of Germany.

"To these high interests is added another important object, and which both the sovereigns have most cordially in view which is, to put an end to that anarchy which prevails in the interior parts of France, to put a stop to the attacks made on the throne and the altar, to restore the king to his legitimate power, to liberty, and to safely, of which he is now deprived, and to place him in such a situation, that he may exercise that legitimate authority to which he is entitled.

"Convinced that the sober part of the nation detest the excesses of a faction which has enslaved them, and that the majority of the inhabitants wait with impatience the moment when succours shall arrive, to declare themselves openly against the odious enterprises of their oppressors; his majesty, the emperor, and his majesty the king of Prussia, earnestly invite them to return without delay into the paths of reason and of justice, of order and peace.

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"3dly, That the combined armies shall protect the towns, bourgs and villages, as well as the persons and property of alk those who shall submit to the king; and that they will concur in the immediate restoration of order and police throughout all France.

"4thly, That the national guards are called upon to preserve, provisionally, tranquillity in towns and in the country, to provide for the personal safety and property of all Frenchmen until the arrival of the troops belonging to their imperial and royal majesties, or until orders be given to the contrary, on pain of being personally responsible: that, on the contrary, such national guards as shall fight against the troops of the two allied courts, and who shall be taken with arms in their hands, shall be treated as enemies, and punished as rebels to their king, and as disturbers of the public peace.

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5shly, That the general officers, the subalterns, and soldiers of the regular French troops, are equally called upon to return to their former allegiance, and to submit immediately to the king, their le gitimate sovereign.

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6thly, That the members of departments, districts, and municipalities shall be equally responsible, on pain of losing their heads and estates, for their crimes, all the conflagrations, all the murders, and the pillage which they shall suffer to take place, and which they shalb not have, in a public manner, attempted to prevent within their respective territories; that they shall also be obliged to continue their functions until his most. Christian majesty, when set at full diberty, shall make further arrange