mostly in ciphers.My letter arrived in Paris a very short time after Citizen Barthelemy had been arrested; and the Directory, to whom it was sent, demanded from me the papers of which it made mention,

-Pichegru then went to Cayenne, and from thence to Germany and England, without my having any correspondence with him. Some time after the Peace with England, M. David, uncle to General Souham (who had passed a year with him at the Army of the North) informed me that General Pichegru was one of those banished in Fructidor, and that he was astonished at hearing that it was from my opposition alone that you refused to permit his return to France. I replied to M. David, that so far from opposing his return, I should make it my business to solicit for him this permission. He shewed this let

the demand was positively, made to you.

ters of the rest of Holland, he went to the Army of the Upper Rhine, and marked me as his successor; and the National Convention intrusted me with the command which he then resigned. A year after, I replaced him at the Army of the Rhine; he was called up to the Legislative Body, and our correspondence was no longer frequent. In the short campaign of the 5th year, we took the papers belonging to the Etat Major of the Enemy. They then brought me a quantity of papers, which General Dessaix, who was then wounded, amused himself with reading. It appeared by this Correspondence, that General Pichegru had been in correspondence with the French Princes. This discovery gave us much uneasinets, but to me more particularly. We agreed to let it rest in oblivion. Pichegru, in the Legislative Body, had less means of hurting the common cause, as Peace waster to some persons, and I have learnt that their ruin. I took precaution, however, for the safety of the Army against that Some time after M. David wrote to system of espionage which might have me," that he had applied to Pichegru to <ruined it. The researches that I made, demand of you directly to be erased from and the deciphering of this Correspon- the list; but that he had answered, that he dence, has placed all those pieces in the would not make the demand, unless he was hands of several persons.. The events certain that it would be complied with " of the 18th Fructidor were then announced, that moreover, he desired him to thank me and the public anxiety was very great in for the answer I had given, and to assure Consequence of which, two officers, who me, that he had never supposed me capawere informed of this correspondence, pre- ble of acting in the manner that was imvailed upon me to inform the Government puted to me; that he even knew, that in of it, and gave me to understand, that it the affair of the correspondence of Klinglin, had began to be pretty public, and that at I had been placed in a most délicate situa>Strasburgh they were already preparing to tion. M. David wrote me three or four - inform the Directory of it.I was a more unimportant letters on this subject. Public Functionary, and I could no longer After his arrest, he wrote to me to take keep silent; but without addressing my some steps in his favour. 'I was very sorry - self directly to the Government, informed that the distance between me and the Gothe Director Barthelemy, confidentially, ofvernment prevented me from giving some >it, begging of him, at the same time, to give me his advice, and informing him, that those pieces, although undoubtedly authentic, could not be proved in a Gourt of Justice, as they were not signed, and

I

light to your justice in this respect; and I do not doubt but it would have been easy to have removed that prejudice which had been given you upon this subject no longer heard Pickegru spoken of, except

indirectly, and by persons whom the war | gratitude, and with whom he has had long habits of friendship. Duty even may sometimes yield to the cry of public opinion.

obliged to return to France. From that epoch to the present moment, during the two campaigns in Germany, and since theThis, General, is what I have to say, peace, there have been distant overtures made to me, to know whether it was pos sible to prevail on me to enter into correspondence with the French Princes. I considered these proposals so ridiculous, that I did not even make any answer. -As to the actual conspiracy, I can equally affirm, that I am far from having the least share in it. I confess even that I am at a loss to conceive how a handful of individuals, dispersed, could hope to change the face of the State, and to restore upon the throne a family that the combined efforts of all Europe, and of Civil War, could not succeed in restoring, or how it can be supposed, that I could be so void of reason, as to join in such a plan, by which I should lose the whole fruit of my labours, which would only in such case draw upon me continual reproaches. I repeat it to you, General, that whatever proposition was made to me, I have rejected from opinion, and always considered it the greatest folly; and when it has been represented to me, that the chances of the Invasion of England were favourable to a change in Government, I replied, that the Senate was the authority round which all Frenchmen would unite, in case of troubles, and that I would be the first to obey its orders. Such overtures made to me, an insulated individual (who had not chosen to preserve any connexion, either in the army, of which nine-tenths had served under my orders, or with any constituted authority), could obtain no other answer than a refusal.- The part of giving information to Government was repugnant to my character, an office which is always judged of severely; it becomes odious, and marked with the seal of repro bation, against the man who is guilty of it, with respect to persons to whom he owes

as to my connexion with Pichegru; they will surely convince you, that very false and hasty conclusions have been drawn from actions, which, though, perhaps, imprudent, were very far from being criminal; and I have no doubt, but that if, by your authority, I had been asked for explanations on those points, which I would have readily given, it would have saved you the regret of ordering my detention, and me the humiliation of being imprisoned, and, perhaps, obliged to go before the tribunals, and say that I am not a Conspirator, and to appeal, in support of this vindication, to the uniform probity of my life for the last 25 years, and to the services I have rendered to the country. I will not speak of those, General: I can say, they are not yet effaced from your memory; but I will recal to your recollection, that if ever the desire of taking part in the Government of France had been the aim of my ambition and of my services, the cover was open to me in the most advantageous manner before your return from Egypt, and surely you have not forgotten the disinterestedness with which I seconded you on the 18th of Brumaire. Enemies have kept us at a distance since that time. It is with much regret that I find myself compelled to speak of myself or my services, but at a time when I am accused of being the accomplice of those who only considered of acting under the guidance of England, perhaps I may have to defend myself from the snares which that Power may prepare against me. I have self-love enough to suppose, that England may judge of the evil which I am still capable of doing her, by what I have already done.If, General, I can gain your full attention, then I shall have no doubt of your justice. I shall

await your decision on my fate with the calm of innocence, but not without the uneasiness of seeing that those enemies which are always attracted with celebrity, have triumphed.I am, with respect

The General MOREAU.

would have been the first to obey the orders of the Senate for the preservation of the Gohad obtained no other answer than a revernment; that the overtures made to him fusal.

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-These were his solemn protestations in 1804; and these protestations are directly in the teeth of the assertions, of the confessions, the avowals, now made, in his name, by his eulogist.But, besides the Now, reader, if, as I must presume, you light, in which these facts place him, we prefer truth to falsehood; if you abhor the find Moreau, in the letter above-inserted, act of giving the highest of praises to the considering the conspirators as acting under foulest of deeds, follow me, for a moment, the guidance of England, from whence they while I compare the contents of this letter had come to France; and, we find him, with the statements of the Russian Memoir. too, imputing the false accusation against -In my last Number, at page 111, I himself to the snares which England might quoted the Memoir, at full length, as far as have prepared against him, observing, that related to the conspiracy of Georges and he had "vanity enough to suppose, that Pichegru. Referring you, then, to that ex- England might judge of the evil which he tract, what do we see? Why, we see, was still capable of doing her by what he that the Russian Eulogist states, that "had already done.". When he wrote Georges and Pichegru were in Paris for the that letter, he little suspected, I dare say, purpose of carrying off Buonaparté; that that he was one day to sail from America Moreau was made acquainted with their de- with the connivance of an English Admiral, signs; that the project, besides, was to re- and still less, that he was to become the store the Bourbons, the necessity of which subject of the praises of every man in Eng-› Moreau did not dispute, but wished to pre- land and in Europe hostile to the glory and pare for it by gradations; that Moreau se- prosperity of France. Yet, all this is cretly desired the success of the project; not enough; for, while the Russian Memoir and, finally, that Moreau "agreed," that asserts, that, in a few days after the 18th the others should begin the thing, and that Brumaire, Moreau feared he had assisted ❝in case of success, he should place himself in giving a tyrant to his country, and that “in advance with his party, to protect them he found Buonaparte to be cruelly and inagainst the measures, which the partisans exorably unjust; while the Russian eulogist "of Buonaparté might take, at the first asserts this, Moreau, in the above letter, 66 moment, to avenge him.". -To" avenge makes a merit, in 1804, of having second"him," mind! What! to avenge him of ed Buonaparte on the 18th Brumaire, 1799, being carried off?- But, let that pass; expresses his regret that enemies have lately for no one can doubt, for a moment, what kept them at a distance from one another, it was that the conspirators meant to do to and declares, that if he can obtain a full Buonaparte. Here, then, we have the hearing of Buonaparté, he has no doubt of confession, the open avowal, the boast even, his justice.Now, either Moreau acted, that Moreau had agreed to lend his assist-upon this occasion, not only the part of a ance, and that of his party, to a plot for conspirator; he was not only guilty of high carrying off Buonaparté and for restoring treason, and worthy of an ignominious the Bourbons. This is asserted, mind, by death, but, he was also, a mean and despihis eulogist by a man who says, that he cable hypocrite; OR, the assertions of his was his companion in his last moments, Russian Eulogist are base and abominable and that he had been the person who ac-fabrications.- -Let the author and the pacompanied him from America. Now, trons of this eulogy take their choice. then, what does Moreau say, in his letter Well, then, have we not now enough of above inserted? Why, he says, "I am this "modern Coriolanus," as the Times far from having the least share in the news-paper, I think it was, called him the "conspiracy." He says, that he must be other day; this Coriolanus of Grosbois? void of reason to join in a plan by which Have we not now enough of him? Yes; he would lose the whole fruit of his la-we have quite enough for Moreau; but, not bours, that is to say, his money and his estate of Grosbois, which he had bought of Barras; that, if Buonaparte had been ab sent, during any such attempt, he, Moreau,

quite enough for me. Since I have begun him, I am resolved to finish him. Justice demands it: justice to the people of England, and justice to the people of France.

not call it in question. I admit it to be considering how beautiful Madame Moreau true, till it be confronted by some other was before she was married, and (if report fact from the same source. Upon this say rightly) how beautiful she still is, and ground, then, and others stated in the how inseparable health is from beauty, that Memoir, Moreau regarded Napoleon as the she and her child should have both been in most cruel of men. Napoleon is said, in ill health at the particular time referred to. the Memoir, to have been so jealous of This is rather singular; but, suppose it to Moreau as to have thirsted for his blood. be true, why not send them to Madeira; In short, the Memoir makes Moreau speak to Lisbon; to Minorca; to Sardinia; to of and regard Napoleon as the most bloody Sicily? Why not place them under the and inexorable of mankind, while his go- guardianship of our commanders? There vernment was a government of spies and were places enough to choose; and, if they bastiles. The Memoir says, besides, must be sent away for their health's sake; that Moreau deeply deplored the enslaved if they were actually both afflicted, at one state of his country; and predicted, that, and the same time, with that sort of com on this account, the French would become plaint which required a change of climate, more despicable than the Jews.Here, why not choose amongst the countries I in these sentiments, observe, we are led, have mentioned? why not, if a more by the Memoir, to look for the cause of northern country was wanted, send them to Moreau's coming to Europe to serve against these happy islands, the place of refuge of France. And, now for the circumstance Pichegru, Georges, Dumourier, Sarazin, that retarded his departure from America. and others? Why send them; why send His wife and child, whom, we are told, these "two cherished beings" to France, he loved to an excess of tenderness; that into the " claws of the tyrant ?". How same amiable and beautiful wife, who, ever, to France, they were sent; there with the same beloved child in her arms, they remained, as long as they pleased, unhad been so cruelly treated at the gates of molested; and, when they chose to come the Temple; these two "cherished be-away, come away they did unmolested too, ings (to use the words of the Memoir) though they were coming to England; and were, at the time of Moreau's departure though it is next to impossible, that the from America, WHERE, think Emperor should not have been fully apyou, reader? They were not with the prised of all their movements.- -Now, good, the affectionate, the fine-feeling, the then, reader, what are the conclusions, which angelic-souled," General. But, where truth and justice bid us draw from these predo you think they were? You will never mises? Why, either that Moreau was wholly guess.... They were IN FRANCE! destitute of all regard even for the lives of Ay, in France in that same France his wife and child; or, that he was guilty whose people were about to become more of base hypocrisy in describing, Napoleon despicable than the Jews. Exposed to the as a cruel tyrant; OR, that this Russian inexorable cruelty of Buonaparté; nay, Memoir is, as to this matter, a string of within his grasp. And, what is more, atrocious falsehoods.- -And, besides this, they had, as the Memoir avows, been in we have here the acknowledged and notoriFrance lens months; ay, ten months, at ous fact, that the wife and child of a man, the time when the angelic husband and fa- whom Napoleon had such strong reasons for ther first thought of leaving America! disliking, were suffered to remain quietly in "His heart," says the Memoir, "was France as long as the wife chose, and sufagitated between his duty to his country, fered to quit France when she chose, with"and the love he bore to his consort and out the least molestation; without any "child, who had both been in France ten complaint to make, even against the police. "months for the sake of their health. He *shuddered to leave these two cherished "beings,, under what, he called, the claws "" of the tyrant "Yes, yes; this is all very pretty, and we may expect to see the incident introduced into the next dish of nauseous nonsense, which the London stage shall present to its foul-feeding customers; but, how came he to send them to France; how came he to send them under those "claws" It is rather singular, that they,

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Can there be, if we take the whole of these facts together; can there possibly be, a more complete proof of the magnanimity of Napoleon; can the impartial reader want any thing more to convince him, that Moreau, who pretended that it was duty to his country that brought him into the ranks of Napoleon's enemies, had, at the bottom of his heart, a firm persuasion, that Napoleon was incapable of committing, even against him, an act of deliberate cruelty?