tonishing as it may seem, agree to a neutrality in regard to Germany. He rejected the proposal with disdain as an insult upon the national honour; though it would certainly have been more easy for Great-Britain, and no less honourable to mediate, or even purchase a peace for the king of Prussia, in the congress at Augsburg, than to enable him to continue the struggle for Silesia, and defend his widely separated dominions against France, Sweden, Austria, Russia, and the army of the empire. On this romantic idea, however, and the other two contentious points, the negociation between France and England was finally broken off, when it seemed ready to terminate in a solid peace, and after it had been protracted considerably beyond the term fixed for signing the treaty.

BEPT. 20.

A rupture with Spain it was readily foreseen, would be the immediate consequence of the failure of this treaty, as the failure itself had been partly occasioned by the suspicions of a secret understanding between the French and Spanish ministers. The poisonous insinuations of the court of Versailles had now produced their full effect upon the mind of Charles III. This suffi ciently appeared in the course of the foregoing negocia tion. The French minister, along with his memorial of propositions, (dated the 15th of July) had presented to the court of London, a private memorial, signifying the desire of his most christian majesty, that, in order to establish the peace upon solid foundations, not to be shaken by the contested interests of a third power, the king of Spain might be invited to guarantee the treaty between the two crowns, and he proposed, with the consent and communication of his catholic majesty, that, the three points in dispute between England and Spain, and which might produce a new was in Europe and America, should be finally settled in this negociation; namely, the restitution of some ships taken in the course of the present war under Spanish colours; the liberty claimed by the Spanish nation to fish on the banks of Newfoundland

Newfoundland; and the demolition of certain settlements made, contrary to treaty, by the English log-wood-cutters in the bay of Honduras.

The British minister read this memorial with surprise and indignation, and declared on returning it, with that dignity and even haughtiness peculiar to his character, that his Britannic majesty would not suffer the disputes with Spain to be blended, in any manner whatever, in the nego ciation of peace between the two crowns; and that it would be considered as an affront, and a thing incompatible with the sincerity of the negociation on the part of France, to make any farther mention of such a circumstance. He at the same time called upon the Spanish minister to disavow the proposition which had been said to be made with the knowledge of his court; and expressed his astonishment at seeing a proposal for accommodating disputes between friends coming through the medium of an enemy! to find points of so much consequence offered for deliberation by a French envoy, when his catholic majesty had an embassador residing in London, from whom no intimation of such business had been received!

The court of Versailles condescended to make an apology for having proposed a discussion of the points in dispute with Spain; but the Spanish embassador openly avowed and justified the step taken by the French envoy, as entirely conformable to the sentiments of his master. He declared, that the kings of France and Spain were united not only by the ties of blood, but those of mutual interest. He applauded the humanity and magnanimity of his most christian majesty, in seeking to render the peace as permanent as the vicissitudes of human affairs would permit; and he haughtily added, that, if governed by any other principles, his catholic majesty, "consulting only "his greatness, would have spoken from himself, and as "became his dignity4."

The meaning of this declaration could not possibly be misunderstood. It evidently appeared, from the most

4. Papers relative to the negociation with France, and the dispute with Spain, published by authority.

liberal

liberal interpretation of the words, that Spain, as a kind of party, was made acquainted with every step taken in the negociation between France and England; that her judgment was appealed to in the proposition, and her authority called in aid to force the acceptance of the terms offered by France; in a word, that there was a perfect union of affections, interests, and councils between the courts of Versailles and Madrid.

A firm conviction of this, is said to have been the cause of that arrogance bordering upon insult, with which Mr. Pitt henceforth treated the proposals of France, and which completed the views of the court of Versailles. The family compact was signed on the 15th of August. From that moment, the French minister changed his tone; and the negociation with England was broken off, as already related, less from any disagreement between the two courts on important points, than their seeming obstinacy in maintaining pretended points of honour.

In the meantime, orders had been sent to the earl of Bristol, the British ambassador at the court of Madrid, to remonstrate, with energy and firmness, on the daring interposition of Spain in the negociation between France and England, and to demand a declaration of her final intentions; to adhere to the negative put upon the Spanish pretensions to fish upon the banks of Newfoundland; to rest the article of disputed captures on the justice of the English tribunals; to continue the former professions of the court of London, indicating a desire of an amicable adjustment of the log-wood dispute, and the willingness of his Britannic majesty to cause the settlements on the coast of Honduras to be evacuated, as soon as his catholic majesty should suggest another method by which the British subjects could enjoy that traffic, to which they had a right by treaty, and which the court of Madrid. had farther confirmed to them by repeated promises.

Mr. Wall, the Spanish minister, applauded the magnanimity of the king of Great-Britain, in not suffering France to be appealed to, as a tribunal, in his disputes with Spain. In the proposition made, with the consent of

his court, he declared that things had not been considered in that light; and he asked, whether it could be imagined in England, that the catholic king was seeking to provoke Great-Britain to war in her most flourishing and exalted condition, and after such a series of prosperous events as never perhaps occurred in the annals of any other kingdom? But he refused to give up any of the points in dispute, and owned that the most perfect harmony subsisted between the courts of France and Spain; that, in consequence of that harmony, the most christian king had offered to assist his catholic majesty in case the dispute between Great-Britain and Spain should terminate in a rupture, and that this offer was considered in a friendly light.

A declaration less explicit would have been sufficient to convince a minister of Pitt's discernment, that the intentions of Spain were by no means equivocal. He accordingly declared in council, that we ought to consider the evasions of that court as a refusal of satisfaction, and that refusal as a declaration of war; that we ought from prudence as well as spirit to secure to ourselves the first blow; that, if any war could provide its own resources, it must be a war with Spain; that her supplies lay at a distance, and might be easily intercepted and cut off, as we were already masters of the sea; that her flota, or American plate-fleet, on which she had great dependence, was not yet arrived, and that the taking of it would at once strengthen our hands and disable hers. Such a bold but necessary step, he added, would be a lesson to his catholic majesty, and to all Europe, how dangerous it was to presume to dictate in the affairs of Great-Britain.

The transcendant dignity of this sentiment, so far exceeding the comprehension of ordinary minds, appeared in the form of shocking violence, or wild extravagance, to the majority of the council. They admitted, that we ought not to be frightened from asserting our reasonable demands, by the menaces of any

power;

power; but they affirmed, at the same time, that this desire of adding war to war, and enemy to enemy, whilst the springs of government were already overstrained, was ill suited to our national strength; that to shun war upon a just occasion was cowardice, but to provoke or court it madness; that if Spain, misled by the councils of France, should enter in a more decisive manner into the views of that hostile court, it would then be early enough to declare war, when all the neighbouring and impartial powers were convinced, that we acted with as much temper as resolution, and when every thinking man in the kingdom was satisfied, that he was not hurried into the hazards and expenses of war from an idea of romantic heroism, but from unavoidable necessity, and would cheerfully contribute to the support of an administration which, though firm and resolute, was afraid alike to waste the national treasure wantonly or employ it unjustly.

These arguments, though plausible, had no weight with Mr. Pitt. He considered them as the timid councils of short-sighted caution, or the captious objections of narrow-minded and selfish politicians, envious of his greatness, and indifferent to their country's welfare. Giving full scope to his pride and patriotism, he there. fore warmly exclaimed, "this is the time for humbling the whole house of Bourbon! and if the glorious opportunity is let slip, we shall in vain look for another. Their united power, if suffered to gather strength, will baffle our most vigorous efforts, and possibly plunge us in the gulf of ruin. We must not allow them a moment to breathe self-preservation bids us crush them, before they can combine or récollect themselves."

Mr. Pitt in the same council rashly declared, if he could not carry so salutary a measure, this was the last time he should sit at that board. "I was called to the administration of public affairs," added he, haughtily, "by the voice of the people: to them I have always considered myself as accountable for my conduct; and, therefore, cannot remain in a situation which makes

me