settled. They landed there in 1676: hence the idle report that Judge Bradshaw had died in Jamaica. The Latin verses inscribed on a cannon over his grave are a modern composition. The first grant of land was to James Bradshaw. The will of John Lawrence is dated May 10, 1690. John, his son, was a member of the Assembly, and left six sons; the two eldest each left an only son, who both died without issue; James Laurence, of Fairfield, the third son, died 1756, leaving

his eldest son Richard James Lawrence, esq. at present the male representative of the President; and James Lawrence, knight of Malta, is his eldest son.

Of the other sons of the President, William was, 27 Nov. 1656, naturalized by Act of Parliament, being born beyond sea, together with his sisters Martha and Theodora. This Martha, in the same year, married Richard second earl of Barrymore, and was mother of Laurence earl of Barrymore (see Lodge's Peerage). John, the only brother of the President, died 1670, leaving an only son, Dr. Thomas Lawrence, author of "Mercurius Centralis," and physician to five crowned heads: he died 1714, and had a numerous family. His eld-. est son, a captain in the Navy, was father to Thomas, the President of the College of Physicians, who was father to Sir Soulden Lawrence, Justice of the Common Pleas. Elizabeth, one of the daughters of Dr. Thomas Lawrence, having had by her first busband, Edward Griffith, esq. a daughter, who married the first Earl of Harrington, was remarried to Lord Mohun, who, in 1713, fell in a duel together with the Duke of Hamilton. Of this branch also was the wife of Sir William Young of Dominica, and the Lawrences of Studley and Hackfall, in Yorkshire. ST. IVES.

4 Brief Sketch of the SWISS HISTORY. From "The general Outline of the Swiss Landscapes."

UT the great charm of the Lu

new

ous dead, excite so strong and solemn an image of their lives and exploits as' the proceeding along the areas of this wayward lake. The eye at every vista runs through a long tract of history. The ear is haunted with the echo of antient times. With what. animation do even the ordinary boatmen relate the story; pointing out the different situations of it, and beco-) ming actors in the scene! They first draw your our attention to the site of

Switz at the bottom of its bay on a semicircular declivity. In one place' they show you the spot where the three peasants took the eventful oath. Here William Tell leaped out of the boat in a frenzy that might have warned the Enemy of his Country (if any thing could warn him) of his approaching doom. There he slew him!

Whether it is imagination, or the sound of the wind through the caverns and crevices of the rocks, and openings in the woods; or whether it is owing to the murmur of cataracts at a distance, and the sullen agitation or sobbing of the waters, as they heave against the banks-but one is sensible at this place of an extraordinary echo, which is by no means 'unmusical. "Sometimes this echo repeats the motion of feet-sometimes the rust

ling of garments-at others, the human voice in many different tones. The sounds of voices from a great height in the sky, and of instrumental music, interrupt,at stated intervals, the silence of the place, and fill the air with solemn melody." Near this is the Chapel of Williams Tell. Across the lake you may descry 'the pasture where Melchthal, and Furst, and Stauffacher, assembled in the hour of midnight. Those came by secret paths along the mountains; this, by water.

The mountains and the sea are, no doubt, the venerable nurses, if not the parents, of national independence. The Swiss enjoyed the advantage of the former only, upon which I shall observe presently; while the Greeks, and in modern times the English, had

sical region of Switzerland. It is the spot where the great exploits of the Swiss Bistory were achieved, and are now commemorated. No walks in the ailes of a Cathedral, among the tombs and monuments of the illustriGENE. MAG. July, 1815.

happy circumstances the virtues of a people silently make a progress, and grow unobserved to maturity: when either some domestic oppression, or foreign invasion, calls them forth And here begins their story.

In

In the first æra of the Swiss confederacy, the people struggled against personal oppression. They fought for their very existence. These were combats of individual prowess; or at most of very small bodies of men, aided by the natural fastnesses of the country. The petulance, cruelty, and presumption of Albert their Archduke, and of the Leopolds, continually harassing them, taught the Swiss the way to victory. And they were ever victorious, because they were ever, as they ought to be, on the defensive.

This may be called the heroic age of their history. In this period happened the battles of Morgarten, Sempach, and Nofels. At the streights of Morgarten, Leopold duke of Austria having in the year 1315 marched against the confederate Cantons at the head of 20,000 troops, and endeavour ing to force his way through this pass into their capital, he received a total defeat from 1300 Swiss, who were posted in the mountains. But, what is most extraordinary, this defeat was owing principally to a corps of 50 men only, who in the political factions of Switz had been sent into banishment. Hearing of the invasion, they came and offered themselves as volunteers to enter the ranks of their Countrymen-but they were indig nantly rejected. All that they could do in this extremity was to post them selves precisely beyond the frontier of the Canton, resolved to devote themselves to the last man in its defence. These 50 men watched the critical moment of putting into confusion the Austrian army: their countrymen completed the victory. Leopold was saved only by a peasant, and conducted along the secret passes of the coun try, which the latter well knew, to the Austrian frontier-town: where the historian of that day says, he "saw him in the evening pale, sullen, and dismayed."

In 1386 duke Leopold invaded Lucerne with a mighty army. The men of every valley and canton, says Plantá, were led on by their Landauman; but the Lucerners by their Advoyer. Some wielded the halberts their fathers had used at the battle of Morgarten. Others by way of shield had a board only fastened to their left arms. The Swiss, in the form of a wedge, with loud shouts ran towards the army across the plain. But the

set

heavy-armed horse-guards of the Ene my opposed to them a solid front, and an impenetrable phalanx, and pointed by their spears as with a fence of iron thorns." To the grief of the brave Swiss no opening presented itself. In this emergency it appeared that if a single Swiss would unarmed devote himself to certain, and immediate death, the Enemy's ranks could be opened and broken through: otherwise the day was to, be despaired of, and all courage would be in vain. Upon this a man of gi gantic stature, Arnold de Wlikenreid, raised his voice, and called out to the Swiss that he would make an opening: "Be guardians only to my children,

honour my race, dear countrymen!" He advanced; and, laying hold with his powerful grasp of five or six of the Enemy's spears, he fastened the points of them deep into his own body, dragging the holders of them to the ground. The long and broad wedge of the Swiss phalanx broke in at this. chasm, and passed over him irresistibly. The Austrian banner was again and again thrown down: the duke was dismounted, and his heavy armour prevented his rising from the ground,. when a peasant of Switz levelled a blow at him: "Hold," cries Leopold,, "I am the duke of Austria!" man, either from simplicity or from not hearing him, gave him a mortal wound. In the arsenal of this lake, they shew the cords with which, according to tradition, Leopold was to have bound the citizens of Lucerne.

The.

ir

In 1388 the Austrians made an ruption into Glarus, another canton in the neighbourhood of this lake. Their force they arrogantly thought was sufficient to subdue it. In the spirit. of vengeance and barbarous triumph they went on, pillaging the country, and letting loose an undistinguishing massacre. It was then that 350 troops of Glarús, assisted by 30 Switzers, stopped at Nofels the whole Austrian army; and, after an immense carnage, they forced the remnant of it to fly with the utmost precipitation out of the Canton.

In what may be called the second period of their History, the Swiss descended more into the plain. In the mean time the Helvetic confederacy had been successively augmented and consolidated by the accession of the more powerful Aristocratic Cantons,

Here

+

Here they fought like a great state, having a disciplined soldiery, led on by experienced and able commanders. Still, however, they wanted resources in money and heavy-armed cavalry; while they were opposed by two great potentates, well supplied with both these resources, and not without a good infantry, though far infe rior indeed to the Swiss: on the side of Germany and Italy they had the Austrians to contend with; while France attacked them both on the side of Italy and Burgundy. The great achievements during this périod were the combats of St. James and Grançon, together with the pitched battles of Morat, Nancy, and Marigbano. The combat of St. James ought more properly to be ranked among the exploits of their heroic ages. The following is an abridgment, from Coxe, of the account of this desperate act of valour. In 1444 Louis the XIth, then Dauphin of France, entered Alsace at the head of 30,000 men, and after ravaging the country appeared before Basle. Fifteen hundred Swiss were ordered to throw themselves into this town. This handful of men ad vanced without interruption to the plain of Brattelen, where they charged no less than 8000 of the French cavalry, and drove them to Muttenz. Here the Enenty joined by another corps, but the Switz, renewing their assault, forced them all to re-pass the river Birs, where the main body of the French army were drawn up. To use the words of the French Chronicle itself, they could make no more impression on the Swiss infantry than if they had attacked a rock. But here the Swiss, becoming elated, and despising their Enemy too much, began to disregard the remonstrances of their officers, and they rashly attempted to force their passage over a bridge; in which being unsuccessful, they leaped into the river, and gained the opposite shore in the face of a battery of cannon that was playing against them. What could the desperate courage of so small a number avail, attacking a large army in an open plain headed by the Dauphin himself? Having now only, like the Spartans at Thermopylæ, to die, 500 of them took possession of a small island near the bridge, and defended it till the last man was cut to pieces. A like number forced their way through the Enemy's

ranks, and were making towards Basle, when they were surrounded by a large body of horse. Upon this they threw themselves into the hospital of St. James, and lining the walls of the bu rying-ground, resisted for sometime the concerted attack of the whole French army. At length the hospital being set on fire, and the cannon battering down the walls of the buryingground, they had now only to sell their lives as dearly as possible. On this occasion it is recorded that four French ch soldiers, having killed a single Swiss, were proceeding to insult his corpse, when one of his companions seized a battle-axe, and striking two of them dead, the other two made off. The Swiss next lifting up the corpse of his fellow-soldier on his back, carried it out of the carnage, and then returned to his rank to fall by the hands of the Enemy. Of the whole number but 16 remained alive, who on their return home were, agreeably to the Spartan discipline, branded with perpetual infamy for not having fallen with their countrymen.

This combat shewed signally the inferiority of heroism, though almost supernatural, to discipline and regular subordination. However, the presumption of Charles the Rash of Burgundy, together with the subtle policy of Louis the XItb, his rival, gave to the Switz the three signal victories of Granson, Morat, and Nancy, in the last of which Charles lost both his dominions and his life. After the battle the States of Burgundy offered to the Swiss the sovereignty of their country, which the latter, perhaps wisely, rejected.

Previous to the battle of Marignano 8000 Swiss drew off from the rest of the confederates, and returned home. This was owing to an idea, which prevailed in the Swiss councils, that, as they had once made a treaty with Francis the First, they could not take part against him; whereas this very treaty was a breach of faith, and a violation of another treaty they had previously inade to assist the Milanese against that very Francis: so easily have French politicians and French historians in all ages over-reached the very opinions of the Swiss! After a combat of two days, which the Marshal Trefulci, the greatest warrior of his age, called a combat of giants (the night was passed by Francis the First

sleeping

sleeping on a cannon) the Swiss, owing to the above defection, ceased on the third day this assault on the French army. They returned boine, the French bot daring to pursue them! though these last were well supplied with cavalry, while the Swiss had none. Their march was so orderly, that they repulsed the Venetians, who ventured to altack them. Their wounded were placed in the centre: and having loaded their shoulders with the can non, they continued their march with a slow and steady pace, bidding the utmost defiance in their countenances. In this affair therefore the prowess of the Swiss still maintained its wonted superiority. It is singular that the French writers should have succeeded in procuring this battle to be styled a victory, and on their side also. It was indeed to the French gens-d'armerie equivalent to a victory, to be able to look the renowned Swiss infantry in the face. But the true designation of the affair at Marignano is that of a drawn-battle and only not a victory obtained by the Swiss. The Milanese had been already acquired by the very masterly movement of Trefulci. The French army,consisting of 50,000 men, with an artillery that had never before been equalled in Italy, and headed by a young, heroic, and beloved king,did what? They stood the brunt of the remnant of a Swiss army, and only

DID NOT RUN AWAY.

(To be concluded in our next.)

Mr. URBAN,

July 3. Na late ride through Chelsea, I passed over the ground where Ranelagh formerly stood, a place of public amusement, which, on account of the general resort to, and other advantages attending it, I, with many others, regret the loss of. The site of it might still be applied to a similar purpose, from its vicinity to the beautiful banks of the Thames, did not the stream of Fashion, which so often changes its bed, now run in a contrary direction. I understand, however, that it is the intention of Government to purchase, and lay that piece of ground to the Military ColTege, which may give it a still better and more useful destination. The rest of it, in front, and to the Northcast of General Wilford's house, I should hope, will remain open to the ase I then saw made of it; vix. as a

playing-ground for the children of that part of the vicinity of the Metropolis; and it were much to be wished, that a like appropriation was made in each of the numerous inclosures of commons and wastes throughout the kingdom, particularly in the hamlets on the skirts of Windsor Forest, now about to be inclosed. This attention to the sports of the rising generation among the lower classes, is of more importance, as well to their morals as their health, and consequently to the general welfare of the nation, than we may at first imagine. Activity is essential both to our physical and mental frame; and if it is not directed to useful or innocent purposes, it will turn itself to mischievous ones. Every school has its play-ground, and so ought the general school of the kingdom, of which the Legislature is the parent and guardian. Its youths ought to be trained to manhood by manlyexercises. The improvement and extension of agriculture, in the culti vation of the wastes and commons, is certainly desirable, as enlarging the field of industrious employment, and adding to the population of the country; but the hours of relaxation from that employment, and the time of life previous to it, ought also to be provided for, and in the way that Nature aud Reason point out. The object of this letter is somewhat similar to the improvement which I lately recommended to be made in Hyde Park, as tending to the gratification and good of the people; but it is far more considerable in extent and importance. If the health of the state is not promoted, and the effects of increasing luxury and riches (those “irritamenta malorum") counteracted by these and other means, they will spread a poison throughout, that will gradually undermine its constitution, and generate the seeds of evils that may for a while be repressed by the exertion of power, and the influence of wealth and rank, but that will at length break out to an extent earnestly to be deprecated by every well-wisher to his country. It is for the Legislature to attend to

considerations: it is for its ade

rators to provide for the welfare of all the members of the community, which it ought to regard with the same equal eye that Providence itself does. Humanity and policy both dietate this: and any error or injustice

in the exercise of this charge, will surely be visited on those, or the children of those, who have committed it. I leave to abler men the further discussion of a subject so worthy of them. RUBICOLA.

July 9.

I nothing fixes the opinio vos mat T may, I think, be observed, that more than systematical reasoning, insomuch that it is sometimes preferred even to the evidence of the senses; which I suppose arises from the pains they had bestowed upon it, and from their inclination to compliment them selves, or those from whom they had received it. This appears to be the case in what regards the accumulation of soil in various places, which is attributed to partial and local causes, as in cities, wooded places, &c. and any addition to one part of the system is supposed to be balanced by a subtraction from another. This seems plausible, as our world may be considered, though in some respects only,asan insulated (I must use that word, instead of ils weak and foolish, though fashionable substitute, isolated) whole, which must contain all its supplies within itself; and the same of every other member of the Universe, the whole of which may be supposed to be limited. However, if we consider the many instances in which this addition appears to take place, and the small proportionate amount of subtraction that we see to supply it, we shall, I think, find reason to doubt that the balance is so exactly maintained as we might suppose. Man, indeed, whose mortal remains daily add to the general mass, may truly be said to be formed" of dust, to which he is to return;" and the like of other animals, &c.: but what other means there may be of f adding to that general mass, and how far they may reach into the confines of our system, and even beyond them, is perhaps more than we can conjecture. Another instance, I think, of the fact which I first stated, is, the opinion respecting the substance so much resembling Moss, which we see in some Agates. I say resembling, for this resemblance is so extremely near that I think it can hardly be pronounced other than perfect identity, I mean as originating from what once was really Moss. These appearances the Agaica may be called mineral,

The production of the Metereolites, now so substantiated, till of late was not suspected, at least the notion was derided, though now our knowledge of the gasses may enable us to give some guess at their mode of formation. But other operations of nature may yet be unexplored, and much of her great field may be a Terra incognila to us: many things in Heaven and Earth may not be "dreamt of in our philosophy." To doubt of the truth of some of its dictates, is as little reprehensible, in a serious point of view, as to doubt of the truth of the Aristotelian system, which was once held so sacred, and is now totally exploded: not that I mean put them on a par with each other: we now judge, as Lord Bacon so wisely recommends, from experiment, though in our hypotheses we may trespass upon, or go beyond his rules. It may be left for future generations to make discoveries of which the limits of our present knowledge afford us no idea: though with all the discoveries they can make, niuch (and how much!) must always remain a mystery, as metaphysical knowledge is not made for man.

to