a Minimum on the Rates of Wages. Mr. Davies Giddy said, that averse as he was to any strong mark of discountenance to petitions coming from any class of subjects before that house, yet he felt it his duty, on the present occasion, out of lenity to the petitioners themselves, to give the earliest opposition to a petition, praying that which it was scarcely possible for that house in its wisdom to grant, because it would be the most ruinous principle which could be adopted in any country, namely, that of fixing by law, a minimum or a maximum to the price of labour, food, or any thing else, which in their very nature, must always fluctuate in different places according to local and temporary circumstances. Something of the kind was attempted during the French revolution under Robespierre, for settling a maximum on the price of provisions, and which was productive of the most dreadful consequences to the French nation, Were it adopted in the present case, it would have the effect of throwing almost perpetually out of employment immense numbers of the petitioners themselves, and aggravating, in an incalculable degree, the distresses of which they complained. He had taken much pains to inform himself on the subject of this petition, and the more he considered it, the more ruinous to the petitioners he saw would be a compliance with their request. Seeing, therefore the utter impolicy of such a compliance, he thought the sooner they were taught to feel there were no hopes to be entertained that parliament would accede to their object, the greater would be the lenity shewn to them, and the more speedily would they be saved the further loss of time and expence, as well as restraint from tumult and disturbance. He should therefore move that the petition be dismissed. had the duty on sugar spirits been levelled | rers of Lancaster, praying a Bill for settling to that on corn spirits in Ireland, the legal distiller would have worked, and the importation of spirits would have been extended, to the advantage of the revenue. He believed this provision of the late act had been matter of surprize. He trusted that, however good in general the counsel of the Chancellor of the Exchequer for Ireland, his authority on this occasion would not be followed implicitly and without examination. The sentiments of that right hon. gent. were well known. He was adverse to the whole principle of the measure, No scarcity, or dearness of grain could reconcile to him its prohibition in the distillery in any part of the empire, and it was not therefore to be wondered at, if he had been anxious to save Ireland from its operation. These were not, however, the sentiments of that house, nor of the right hon. gent, who introduced the Bill, and it would be unwise to adopt a proceeding so extraordinary and so partial, without a fair experiment under provisions and regulations that might afford the best chance for its success. The Act of Union, it was well understood, wanted revision in some of its parts for the benefit of both countries; but it was most consistent with its spirit to proceed to that work at once, and not by prohibiting the intercourse in any instance to cut the gordian knot, which a little patience and attention might unravel. The interest of the revenue was said to be at stake. The principle of the Bill had nothing to do with revenue, but into that consideration should enter how far the deficiencies complained of were or were not inevitable, and how far any accidental deficiency might be amply made good by the additional tax of 3s. per cent. on the whole of the sugar consumed within the kingdom; this tax, which attached only at certain average prices of the article, would in his decided opinion be levied upon the coming crop, if the sugar distillery was extended to Ireland, and not otherwise.-He offered these observations not in opposition to the Bill, but earnestly recommending a reconsideration of the proposed limitation of its opetion, which he believed to be inconsistent, unfair and impolitic. HOUSE OF COMMON3. Friday, February 24. [LANCASTER COTTON WEAVERS PETITION.]-Mr. Blackburn presented a Petition from the Working Cotton Manufactu The Chancellor of the Exchequer coincided with the hon. gent. as to the impossibility of complying with the petition, upon considerations of lenity towards the petitioners themselves. But he was against any proceeding that might have the appearance of harshness, or discouragement towards any class of subjects, in exercising the right, common to all, of petitioning that house. He was, therefore, disposed to think that the petition should be allowed to be on the table. Mr. Curwen thought, if the petition was referred to a Committee up stairs, some relief might be suggested for the petition- | ers, who were really very much distressed. Mr. Rose said, the subject had been before a Committee two years since, which after long and minute deliberation, could suggest no relief for the petitioners. It had occurred to him that the same kind of regulation which had been found so salutary in the case of the silk manufacturers, namely that of referring the regulation of the rates of workmanship to the magistrates at the quarter sessions, might have the best effects; but the idea of a maximum or minimum in the price of labour, provision, or commodities of any kind, was totally inadmissible. If, however, the house should think fit to refer this petition to a Committee, he would most readily attend it from day to day, and give every aid in his power. The Petition was ordered to lie on the table. [THE DUKE OF YORK'S LETTER TO THE SPEAKER.]-Mr. Whitbread said, he rose for the purpose of drawing the attention of the house to an act which in his opinion more deeply affected their privileges than any thing that had ever occurred since he had the honour of a seat in it. The act he alluded to, was the Letter written by his royal highness the Duke of York, addressed to that house, and conveyed to it through the medium of the Speaker. The Speaker had certainly done his duty, as he always did with the greatest propriety and correctness on every occasion, by informing the house of the method usually pursued in cases of letters addressed to the house being communicated through him, and the result was that the paper was ordered to lie on the table. If he (Mr. W.) did not then object to it, a few minutes reflection enabled him to ascertain to his own satisfaction, that the true mode of proceeding would have been to move that the debate be adjourned. It appeared to him that this Letter struck at the privileges of the house, by stating, that it had examined evidence which it ought not to have done. His royal highness was as competent to have written to the house in the first instance, that it ought not to institute and carry on any inquiry on such evidence as would be produced before it. If it was the intention of any one of those who had advised his royal highness to write this Letter, hereafter to make any motion on the subject, the house would then be enabled to form a judgment what line of conduct ought to be adopted respecting it. Till he received some answer on that head, he should content himself with repeating, that he deemed the Letter to be a gross violation of the privileges of this house. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he did not know how, according to the rules of the house, he could take notice of what the hon. gent. had said, as he sat down without making any motion. He himself . thought as highly as any one of the privileges of that house; and it did not appear to him, that any thing in the Letter in question could be said to be an attack on, or an infringement of them. If the hon. gent. had made any motion, he should have been able to have drawn a conclusion on what he meant. All he could now collect was, that there was something contained in the Letter, which seemed to protest against the justice of the proceedings of the house upon this head, on the ground that the evidence examined before it was not under those particular sanctions which the law required in other cases. So far from this being the fact, all he understood by the letter was no more than this, that h. r. h. supposing himself to be attacked in such a manner as to make it necessary to go into an inquiry, in order that the whole should be elicited in the most open mode, and finding that the evidence was closed, intended to lay before the house an allegation of his innocence; and if the house should, after that allegation, be inclined to doubt his innocence, he states, that he hoped the house would not enter upon any proceeding which might have the effect of condemning him before he could have a trial, in which he would have the advantage of evidence under all the sanction and solemnity of the law. He was certain that h. r. h. had not the smallest intention to attack the privileges of the house; and how the Letter could be conceived an attack on them, he could not conceive. That it was not wholly unprecedented, he contended was apparent from what the Speaker had stated on the preceding night. If any farther information could be obtained by means of a Committee searching for precedents, he should be extremely glad of it. The hon. gent. wanted to know whether he or any one of his right hon. friends, intended to move any thing on the subject. For his own part, he had no such intention, nor had he heard or understood that any one else had. The Letter was now become a document on the table, and like any other paper or petition which was ordered to lie there, might be referred to by every member of the house, and every individual who might refer to it, might make what remarks on it he pleased, or adopt any proceeding relative to it which he thought necessary. Lord H. Petty thought the question of such extraordinary importance as to require the particular attention of the house, being, in his opinion, a direct attack on its privileges. He had not understood his hon. friend to object to the Letter, in as far as it contained an allegation of innocence, but in going beyond that allegation. It was subject to the obvious meaning or opinion, that no declaration could be come to by that house on the evidence laid before it, but such as would carry it out of the province of the house; and when the word "condemned" was considered, it was to be inferred that the house ought not to determine on the evidence laid before it, which was the only evidence that it could receive. He therefore thought, with his hon. friend, that the house had, by the vote of last night, permitted a Letter to be put on the table which was an attack on their privileges. stand as it was already fixed, for that day, and that the Report on the Inquiry into the Conduct of the D. of Y., should be taken into consideration on Wednesday the 8th: of March. Mr. Tierney wished to know, if, when the Report was brought up on Wednesday se'nnight, the right hon. gent. intended to come forward with any specific proceedings on it. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he did not conceive he had any thing to do with the business, in the way the right hon. gent. had mentioned. He conceived it to be in the hands of the hon. gent. (Mr. Wardle) who brought forward the accusation, and he did not think it would be pro- · per for him to interfere in it, as he naturally supposed the hon. gent., whom he did not then see in his place, would bring forward some proceeding or other on it. Lord Folkestone said, he did not rise to object to any thing which had been said by the last speaker, but thought he had reason to complain of the right hon. gent. below him (Mr. Tierney,) as his question seemed to insinuate that his hon. friend had · abandoned the business, and wished the right hon. gent. opposite to him to take it up. His hon. friend had, however, expressed his readiness to go on with the matter even on the day that had been first too early a one. The right hon. gent. might, therefore, rest satisfied that on Wednesday se'nnight the matter would be taken: up by his hon. friend, who had left the house, not supposing auy thing would be said on the subject that night. [CONDUCT OF THE DUKE OF YORK.] The Chancellor of the Exchequer said that he found, on an application to the printer of the Minutes, that he would not be able to have those which related to the In-appointed, though he (lord F.) thought it quiry into the Conduct of the Commander in Chief, ready to deliver to the members of the house so soon as Monday next; nor could he even answer for Tuesday or Wednesday. He thought, therefore, it would be necessary to enlarge the time beyond that which had been fixed for Mr. Tierney disclaimed any intention of bringing up the report; and as the hon. even a wish to take the business out of the gent. (Mr. Whitbread) was in possession hands of the hon. gent. who brought forof Monday se'nnight, he was at a loss how ward the accusation, and had only asked to fix so early a day as he could wish, un- the question to satisfy himself, whether on less the hon. gent. would agree to post-that night any proceeding was to take pone his motion to a future day. The hon. place on bringing up the report. gent. had already so frequently postponed it, that he hardly knew how to ask him again to do it; but if he could with convenience, he should be obliged to him. After some conversation between the Chancellor of the Exchequer and Mr. Whitbread, it appeared that as the assizes in Ireland were nearly approaching, and that many members from that part of the united kingdom, who wished to be present at the discussion of the American question, could not conveniently remain in town longer than Monday se'nnight, it was agreed that Mr. Whitbread's motion should The Chancellor of the Exchequer then said, it would be recollected by the house, that the hon. gent. opposite (Mr. Wardie) when he brought forward his Charges, had mentioned an Office in the City kept for the Sale of Places under Government, in which the names of the Lord Chancellor and the Duke of Portland had been used. He had then said he would be glad to give every assistance to the hon. gent., in order to discover if any such unjust practices were really in existence. Since that time, a gentleman had observed an advertisement for the sale of a place under government, and had applied accordingly to the office Mr. Alderman Combe thought the right hon. gent. should mention the banker's name. The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, he did not exactly recollect it, and might therefore, by giving a wrong name, do more harm than good. All every Englishman was forward to obey. If consulted one by one, there was universally to be found a disposition to sacrifice, a resolution to act, and a promptitude to determine in favour of the Spanish insurgents. Ministers had only to consider, and inquire as to the best means of directing and rendering effective this ardent and unanimous feeling. With them it rested to consider the nature and tendency of the insurrection, and in what manner it was possible to promote its object. With them it rested-to them the duty, in a most imperative manner, belonged, of examining the state of Spain, and of ascertaining how far it was practicable, with the resources they possessed, to give effectual assistance to that country. The circumstances of England and of Europe forcibly demanded this examination; because it must have been felt, that upon their interference would depend the most important consequences-either the depression, or the ag[CAMPAIGN IN SPAIN.] Mr. Ponsonby grandizement of the power of France. rose, and spoke to the following effect :- the great powers of the continent were at I rise, Mr. Speaker, pursuant to notice, for the time in a state of comparative humiliathe purpose of moving an inquiry upon a tion, owing to the inordinate power and subject, as important to the honour, the over-bearing influence and authority of fame, and the interest of England, as any the enemy. England alone was still able that has ever been agitated in this house. to defy his power; and it most materially If I had given no notice whatever of the behoved those to whose direction the rediscussion, the considerations I have men- sources of England were committed, to tioned must serve peculiarly and imme- take care at least that they should be so diately to call your attention to the ques- employed, that, if the termination of the tion. When the Spanish insurrection, as it contest should be disadvantageous to Spain, has been called, I mean the resistance of it should not risk the character or endanger the Spanish nation to the attempts of France the safety of England, as upon that safety to subjugate that people, was known in this rested the fate of the world. In this councountry, the minds of all men were engag- try alone was to be found the power, the ed in contemplating its character, and a spirit, and the determination to maintain prospect seemed to present itself, that resistance to France. Austria having been means might arise out of it calculated to plunged into the third Coalition, against serve Spain, to serve this country, and to the opinion of its ablest advisers, was serve the world, by making a stand against merely struggling to preserve the strength the immensely growing power of France, which her conqueror and our enemy had Such an event naturally attracted the con- permitted to survive his victories, Prussideration, and excited the interest of all sia subsisted upon his courtesy, and Rusclasses of the community. It called, in a sia had embraced his counsels. No where most particular manner, for the attention did an army present itself that was not and inquiry of those by whom our govern-acting under his standard, or inactive ment was administered, and never perhaps did any government, upon any occasion, meet with a more general and unfeigned desire on the part of the people to second that course which it might be found expedient to pursue in aid of the Spanish cause. All power and all principle seemed devoted to that object. The feelings of the public ran before the wishes of the minister. He had only to command, and VOL. XII. The through a dread of his attack. nifested to shake off the yoke of French domination. As soon as the resolution was formed, application was made to this country for assistance. Just before the conclusion of the last session the subject was brought under the consideration of this house. No one was willing to damp the spirit that was responsive to that application, provided a compliance with it could promise any successful result. But every reflecting man recommended consideration. Ministers, however, took their own course, and we have witnessed the consequence. No statement of any information received from Spain was laid before parliament. The session was closed before any deliberate opinion could be formed upon the subject, every thing was left to the discretion of ministers. Parliament had no opportunity of interfering, the ministers were furnished with all the aids they could desire from the hearts, the purses, the arms of the country. Every guinea they required was most cheerfully granted; they had a vote of credit to the utmost limit of their request; there appeared but one mind, one feeling, and one sentiment on the part of parliament and the country in favour of Spain, no other wish existed but that which was calculated to give effect to the operation of ministers, party spirit was quite sunk throughout this country upon that occasion; and indeed in every part of the empire the public voice was loud and ardent in desiring that all the whole power of England should be put in motion, if necessary, and at all likely to be effectual in repelling the advances of the enemy, and promoting the liberty of Spain. Such was the pulse of the country which ministers had to direct. But it became their duty to direct it with judgment and efficiency. Standing upon an eminence, it was for them carefully to survey the prospects before them. It was for them to examine, with precision and accuracy, all the means in their reach to employ, and how far those means were adequate to the ends in view. Before they attempted to involve the country in the contest alluded to, before they ventured so to engage its wealth and its power, they should have taken care to make this examination, and, above all, to ascertain the real state of Spain. The first object, therefore, that claimed their consideration was, the employment of proper persons to inquire into that state; and for that purpose they should have sent some men of the highest capa city to that country, men well acquaint ed with both military and civil affairs, men competent not only to assist the counsels of a cabinet, but to direct the operations of an army. Many such men could, no doubt, be found in this country. The occasion was of a nature to call for the employment of men of this description. It could not be supposed, whatever the spirit of the Spaniards might be, that that spirit could succeed in effectually resisting the power of France, unless it was directed with the utmost ability; and we ought to have availed ourselves of the opportunity to send that description of ability to Spain. I know not the character of those agents whom ministers thought proper to employ to this mission, nor do I mean to speak disrespectfully of their merits; but I cannot find their names among those who are distinguished for any exploits or for any experience, either of a military or a civil description. I understand that they are all young men, and not likely to possess the experience and capacity of observation which are necessary to form a correct judgment upon such an important concern. Ministers should have been aware of the responsibility at tached to their office, and cautious upon what representations they acted. They should have been alive to the reflection, that in their hands were placed the means not only of assisting Spain, but of defending England; that they were not only to consider the prospects of Spain, but of their own country; that, called upon to administer the affairs of a nation involved in an arduous contest, the duration - of which no man could calculate, they should not unadvisedly risk the means of that nation; that they should not send out its arms or its money, unless where effectual resisistance could be made to the enemy. It was therefore peculiarly incumbent upon ministers to employ the utmost talents and industry, for the purpose of enabling themselves to judge of the temper, the resolu tion, and the ability of the Spaniards. What was the spirit of the people, what the internal condition of the country, what the state of its parts, what its resources, both military and naval, what, in a word, the means upon which we could calculate for success in pursuit of the common object? Ministers could not have been insensible to this reflection, that great as our power confessedly is and has been at sea, the whole disposable force of their country could not alone make any |