mate knowledge of it since, that it is materially improved in every respect; that the discipline of the soldiers is improved; that owing to the establishments formed under the directions of h. r. h. the officers are improved in knowledge; that the staff of the army is much better than it was, and much more complete than it was; that the cavalry is improved; that the officers of the cavalry are better than they were; that the army is more complete in officers; that the system of subordination among the officers of the army is better than it was, and that the whole system of the management of the cloathing of the army, the interior economy of the regiments, and every thing that relates to the military discipline of the soldiers, and the military efficiency of the army, has been greatly improved since h. r. h. was appointed Com mander in Chief. Do you consider the improvement you have specified, to be owing to the personal superintendance and personal exertions of h. r. h. the Commander in Chief? The improvements to which I have adverted, have been owing to the regulations of h. r. h., and to his personal superintendence and his personal exertions over the general officers and others who were to see those regulations carried into execution. General GROSVENOR, attending in his place, made the following Statement: I wish to state my humble testimony of the high sense I entertain of the advantages the army has derived from the zeal, attention, and care, of h. r. h. the Commander in Chief. diction. It would also be desirous that some farther time for consideration should be granted, probably till the following Monday, or even till this day fortnight. Mr. Whitbread could not agree to the suggestion of the hon. member; he thought that no unnecessary delay should take place, but still he submitted that the fixing of the day would more properly belong to his hon. friend (Mr. Wardle) than to the right hon. gent. opposite. The Chancellor of the Exchequer declared that he had no wish to take the nomination of the day out of the hands of the hon. member. Friday, or any other day that hon. gent. chose, would be equally agreeable to him with the day he himself had suggested. Mr. Wardle said, Thursday or Friday were equally agreeable to him. Mr. Wharton then left the Chair; the brought up, ordered to be printed, and the house resumed, and the Report was whole question was ordered to be taken into consideration on this day se'nnight. Mr. C. W. Wynn gave notice, that immediately after the decision of the question, he should bring forward his motion relative to the testimony of gen. Clavering. Adjourned at half past three o'clock on Thursday morning. HOUSE OF COMMONS. Thursday, February 23. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, previous to the Chairman's quitting his scat, suggested, that as the Evidence was now closed, and there would be no occasion to [THE DUKE OF YORK'S LETTER TO THE ask leave to sit again, a day might be fixed SPEAKER.] The Speaker rose and stated, for taking the subject into consideration. that since he had come to the house, he For the sake of having the first conveni- had received a Letter, the contents of ent day fixed, he had inquired into the which related to the Inquiry now pendstate of forwardness in which the printing ing before the house respecting the Conof the Minutes stood, and the result was duct of his royal highness the Duke of that it would be in vain to expect them York, and he wished to know whether it to be delivered entire before Monday. As, was the pleasure of the house that he however, great part of them were already in should read it. [A general exclamation of the hands of members, who would natu- Read! read! read!] The right hon. gent. rally be giving them a gradual perusal, he then announced that the Letter came from was inclined to think, on the idea of their his royal highness the Duke of York, being completed on Monday, that a period was signed "Frederick," addressed to of two days might be allowed to interpose, the Speaker, and dated Horse Guards, Feb, and the Report be taken into consideration | 23, 1809. The contents were as follow: on Thursday. If, however, gentlemen thought that too early a day, he had no objection to Friday. Mr. Wilberforce was anxions that on so important a subject, and one which had gone to so great a length, the House should not be precluded from such further light as they might be able to procure in the way of observation, elucidation, or contra Sir, Horse Guards, Feb. 23, 1809. "I have waited with the greatest anxiety until the Committee appointed by the House of Commons to enquire into my Conduct as Commander in Chief of His Majesty's Army had closed its examina tions, and I now hope that it will not be deemed improper to address this Letter, through you, to the House of Commons. "I observe with the deepest concern, that in the course of this Enquiry my name has been coupled with transactions the most criminal and disgraceful; and I must ever regret and lament that a connection should ever have existed which has thus exposed my character and honour to public animadversion. "With respect to any alledged offences connected with the discharge of my official duties, I do in the most solemn manner, upon my honour, as a Prince, distinctly assert my innocence, not only by denying all corrupt participation in any of the infamous transactions which have appeared in evidence at the Bar of the House of Commons, or any connivance at their existence, but also the slightest knowledge or suspicion that they existed at all. My consciousness of innocence leads me confidently to hope that the House of Commons will not, upon such evidence as they have heard, adopt any proceeding prejudicial to my honour and character; but if, upon such testimony as has been adduced against me, the House of Commons can think my innocence questionable, I claim of their justice that I shall Letter, he suggested the idea of taking the Letter from the table now, in order to have it entered without loss of time upon the Votes and Journals. Mr. Bankes said, that, as this appeared to him to be an extraordinary proceeding, he must appeal to the knowledge and recollection of the Speaker, as to former precedents, in order to direct the house in what was proper to be done. of the house, to the best of his recollection, The Speaker said, that the constant usage had been, that all letters received by the Speaker, and which he should deem proper to be communicated to the house, in the first instance were laid on the table, in order afterwards, at a convenient opportunity, to be copied into the Votes and been done. Letters had been received by Journals. In all ordinary cases this had the Speaker, even on an occasion not remote, upon the subject of charges pending before the house; and this was the uniform custom, even without putting any question. But, where a letter on a subject of so much more than ordinary importance was addressed to him for communication to the house, and when gentlemen to his right and left were anxious to peruse it, he felt it his duty to suggest the propriety of immediately ordering it, in the first instance, to be copied on the Votes and Journals, that no delay might occur in placing it in the possession of every mem ber of the house. The house concurred in the suggestion, and it was adopted accordingly. Mr. R. Dundas rose to move for a re[EAST INDIA COMPANY'S AFFAIRS.]— session on the East India Company's Affairs. not be condemned without trial, or be de-newal of the Committee which had sat last prived of the benefit and protection which is afforded to every British subject by those sanctions under which alone evidence is received in the ordinary administration of the Law. The house would recollect that last session a Petition had been presented from the East India Company, praying for a settlement of Accounts with the public, and also for aid. On this a Committee had been appointed, and though it had performed the duty to a considerable extent, yet there were various points which still remained to be considered. The finances, the trade, and several other matters had not been so thoroughly inspected as they ought to be. He stated last year, that it would be most proper to appoint such persons as were most conversant with East India Affairs; he would now move for the re-appointment of the same persons, with the exception of two,who said that it would be very inconvenient for them to attend. The exceptions were Mr. T. Grenville and Mr. Hobhouse; and in their places, he would propose lord Temple and Mr. Addington. Mr. Creevey observed, that he had several objections to the plan of constituting the Committee, as it had been before constituted, and he conceived this to be a proper time for briefly stating those objections. For the purpose of placing those objections in a just light, he adverted to the Committee, that had been appointed on the motions of Mr. Burke and lord Melville. On the Report of the Committee appointed by lord Melville, had been formed the Board of Controul, and members would, no doubt, recollect how his lordship had come down, session after session, with congratulations to himself and to the country, upon the prosperous state of our empire in the East, owing to his system. The noble lord opposite (lord Castlereagh), who had been educated in his school, followed his steps exactly, and repeated his congratulations. In 1806, however, when another noble lord (Morpeth), a friend of his, held a situation in the Board of Controul, a very different statement was produced. In 1807, the Company had come to the house with a Petition, that they might be allowed to borrow money upon their bonds. He resisted that, unless they would consent to make a complete disclosure of their aflairs. This they promised in the following session, and a Committee was accordingly appointed. The house was aware of the importance and extent of the matters to be inquired into. The house had passed a Resolution disapproving of further couquests; but instead of adhering to the plan recommended in this Resolution, the Indian politicians persevered in their destructive schemes, till a great number of the native princes were destroyed, and the greater part of their dominions added to the territories of the Company. All the predictions with respect to their finances had failed, except that in one instance they had performed part of their engagements to the public, by paying 500,000l. The debt, which was to have been liquidated long before the time at which he was speaking, had constantly increased. It was impossible there could be a grosser case. In addition to this, the Committee had to consider the declaration of all the Directors, excepting one, that the wars of the marquis Wellesley were the cause of their embarrassments-that he had acted in violation of their laws, and had introduced into India a system of complete des potism. What subject could be more grave and urgent than this? The whole causes of the disappointments experienced for such a long series of years; even the utility of the system of controul, might be called in question, as well as the conduct of all those connected with it. There might also appear some reason to conclude that the conduct of the Directors themselves ought to be arraigned; and yet the Committee selected to inquire into all these transactions were the very persons whose conduct might be called in question, as connected with these transactions; and they were thus to sit in judgment upon themselves and their system. There never was such a mockery of inquiry before. The person who proposed the Committee, and those of whom it was to be composed, was himself at the head of the Board of Controul, and nearly connected with its founder; and, therefore, it was to be presumed, that none of the Committee could be so uncivil as to open the lip against that system, or deny its utility. And though the marquis could not be on that Committee, yet care was taken to place his connections there; and the right hon. baronet (sir John Anstruther), who was the friend of the marquis Wellesley, and had been intimately connected with his system in his capacity of Chief Judge of Bengal, was to be the Chairman of this Committee! Would the hon. and learned baronet say a word upon the despotic system of the marquis Wellesley? But then it might be said, that two of the Directors were there. These Directors were, however, suing the Committee for money, something in the manner of paupers, and they were, out of doors, suing the right hon. gent. (Mr. Dundas) for a renewal of their charter. It was not probable, under these circumstances, that they would be very obstinate in their objections to whatever policy the right hon. gent. should approve. But it might be said again, how could we get information on these subjects, unless the Committee was composed of such as were most conversant with these matters? The best way to come at information was by the examination of records and of witness of ambitious aggrandizement. Whether and how far they were to be followed up, would be a question of a very different nature. It was certain, that war was in no country so expensive as in the East Indies. Since the peace of Deccan, concluded by province the slightest symptom of a tendency to hostilities. With respect to the Exposition, he thought that every paper relating to it ought to be produced. He port abounding in information. The information given in by lord Melville's Committee was not so profound and ample; but the Reports of both were admirable, when compared with the miserable production of last year by these knowing gentlemen. He blamed the Committee also for not pro-him in 1803, there had not been in that ducing the document for which he had moved last year. It was the very worst Committee that could be appointed, if the object was to give accurate information to the public. The great object of Buona-wished the Exposition to have fair play, parté was to get to India; and he had already attempted to pave the way to that object. He had been successful at the court of Persia; and if he could reach our Indian possessions, he could not have two better allies than the embarrassment of the finances and the alienation of the natives. A Committee of this kind was calculated to preclude, and not to elicit information, and therefore he protested against it. and it should be the intention of the Committee to give the details of all matters of Exposition. He could only say, with respect to the propriety of his own appointment, that if the house should think proper to add his name to that Committee, he never would oppose any question with respect to India, and he would; in every respect, discharge his duty with impartiality, and to the best of his abilities. Mr. Creevey, in explanation, denied that he had made any personal objections whatever to the gallant general, his objection was generally to those filling official situations. greater nor more unjustifiable than those practised by the British government in India, and there had been a time when those opinions were more generally maintained, and more openly avowed, than they now certainly were. Ile was therefore at all times anxious for inquiry the most strict, which to be so ought to be the most impartial. He had no personal objection to any hon, member of that Committee, but he was sure that any member being personally unobjectionable, was not therefore a sufficient reason why he might not be objectionable on the score of partiality. Sir Arthur Wellesley thought it rather an odd way of selecting a Committee, to fix upon those persons who were ignorant of the business to come before that Committee, to the exclusion of those who were informed upon the subject. The hon. Lord Archibald Hamilton regretted that gent. had objected to him (sir A. Welles- it was so often his misfortune to differ ley) in a pointed, he might almost say in from gentlemen in that house upon the a personal manner, but he appealed to subject of East India affairs. He did that hon. gent. as to the line of conduct think that the oppressions arising from the pursued by him in the course of the pro-abuses of power by Buonaparté, were not ceedings of the late Committee. He begged leave to observe, that it could not be owing to any material difference as to the sincerity of his views with respect to East India politics, for he (sir Arthur) had divided with that hon. gent. on a question of no trifling importance, that had been before that Committee, and he did assure that hon. gent., that of this he might be sure, that whenever the conduct of his noble relation came before that Committee, the fullest and the most rigid inquiry into that conduct should at all times have his most cordial support. Indeed, he never should shrink from not only inquiry into that, but into all that either his noble relation, himself, or the marquis of Cornwallis, had done, even from the time of the year 1782. That our East India settlements had been most considerably extended, he did not think to constitute in itself a serious accusation, but he was fully prepared to prove to the Committee, whenever they would go into it, that the extension of our dominions had not been owing, as it had been presumed, to any aggression on our part; neither had they been undertaken with any view Mr. W. Smith was satisfied that there was nothing personal meant in the objection taken by his hon. friend, to the propriety of admitting the hon. gencral to a place in the Committee. The objection referred to 'official capacity only, and he did think the objection in this point well grounded. With respect to precedent, as alluded to by the hon. general, he was one of those who thought that forty precedents together could never sanction error. So far was he from thinking that the precedent of appointing informed per sons should only be adhered to, that he thought that the house in nominating persons to this Committee, should rather look for impartiality with the means of obtaining information, than partiality, however fully possessed of that information, for in his experience he never met with many free from bias. He did not mean improper or corrupt bias, but that tendency to decide according to one's wishes; in the case of a common jury it was surely a matter of recommendation, that they were wholly ignorant of the merits of any case they were called upon to try. But if the persons to try in the present instance were not only acquainted with the circumstances of the question, but were parties in it, it was vain to say, that such persons could be competent judges. Here, then, the objection of his hon. friend lay; it was not to the individual, but to the situation which that individual had been in; and so far had he thought this principle objectionable, that it had always been his opinion, an opinion from the open avowal of which he had never shrunk, that the great mixture of the officers of the crown with the members of that house, had a tendency to prejudice the character, by improperly influencing the decisions, of parliament. This had been at all times his opinion; at the same time, he was aware of the suggestion, that it was perfectly possible to let the officers of the crown have seats without votes. they themselves best understood? and was it the most gracious way to encourage and assist their exertions to exclude them from the common privileges of the government, because they had taken upon themselves the arduous responsibility of governing? He could not pass over the observations of his hon. friend in silence; but with respect to the Committee, he thought it an advantage that it should not be deprived of those gentlemen, whose information must be of such service in the course of its inquiries: as far as respected himself, he unaffectedly assured the house, that he did wish to decline being a member of that Committee. He was afraid he could not possibly devote to it as much attention as he wished, and he should be glad that the name of some other gentleman was substituted in place of his own. Mr. Whitbread said, that the hon. gent. had begun by informing the house that he had not been present at the beginning of the debate. That he had not, was pretty manifest from the tenor of his speech: there was in that speech internal evidence that the hon. gent. did not hear what had gone before him. But with respect to the principle laid down by the hon. gent., in reference to public men, he had the misfortune widely to differ from that hon. gent. He protested against the principle of confidence in public men, and contended for it, that the constitutional principle was distrust-distrust in all public men, be they whom they might. He differed farther from the hon. gent. as to the importance of information on the part of those who were to inquire: information was seldom unaccompanied with bias either to the one Mr. Wilberforce said, he was not present at the commencement of the debate, but as he had a personal interest in the question, (he being one of the members proposed for that Committee,) he did wish to say one or two words. He dissented alto-side or the other, and even if it were not, gether from his hon. friend who had just sat down, as to the principle that would, in its application, tend to the exclusion of the servants of the crown from a share in the debates and decisions of that house; in every tribunal it was not to be doubted that impartiality was not only a desirable, but an indispensible qualification; but he could not go so far as to assent, that due information upon any question to be tried was inconsistent with impartiality. How would such a principle, carried to such an extent, apply to the officers who conducted in that house the business of the country? Were they to be driven from the privilege of defending in public whatever measures for the general good they had devised in private? Were they to be forced to leave to others to explain what he doubted the great advantages imputed to it. They had in their recollection three Committees: two of them, with respect to their previous ignorance of the matter into which they were to examine, might be denominated the unlearned Committees. The unlearned Committees had done their duty, while they had had as yet but one Report from the learned Committee. He had heard the speech of the gallant general, but he had heard nothing to do away the objection that officially existed against his appointment. The gallant general had told the house that he could prove such and such matters in the Committee-that he could prove the justice of his noble relative's administration in the East-that he could prove also the justification of the measures of the marquis Cornwallis-why, |