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of march, as part of his military guard. They informed the party that the Pacha was encamped a few miles farther down the valley, with an army of forty thousand men, and that he had expected the Sultan's ambassador for some time. Encouraged by this assurance, Sam put his Arabian on his mettle, and soon was in the heart of the encampment. The Pacha's tent was easily known from its superior splendour, and in a few minutes Sam was conducted in great splendour to his highness's quarters. Fierce-looking soldiers scowled upon him as he passed, and Sam was not altogether at ease, when he observed the ominous sneers they exchanged with each other.

At last he stopt short, and said to one of the soldiers, whose expression he did not like, "You popinjay in fine clothes, do you make these faces at me?"

Another soldier who was standing by, started forward and said, "Good God! an Englishman, and in that dress!—it is not even yet too late to save you; if you go on, you will be murdered to a certainty-the Pacha has put twelve ambassadors to death already."

"The devil he has! and I'm sent here to make up the baker's dozen! Well, countryman, what's to be done? If you get me out of this scrape, and ever come to Bastock"

"Stay, the only plan, when the Pacha asks you for the firman, is to say you've lost it ;-here, give it to

"And Sam had scarcely time to follow the soldier's advice, when he found himself in presence of the rebel chief.

He was standing at the farther end of the tent, in the middle of a group of officers. On seeing his highness the ambassador, he advanced half way to meet him, and bowed with all the reverence of an Eastern prostration.

"I worship the shadow of the Sovereign of the universe. Your highness does too much honour to your slave."

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he's well-ask him how his wife is, and the children.”

The interpreter, at Sam's request, made a courteous speech.

"The messenger of the Sultan is master here. We are sorry we can offer him no better accommodation." "The accommodation's good enough-but riding in these hot mornings with a tablecloth on one's head is thirsty work, Master Dragsman. Ask him if he could give one a glass of brandy and water-cold without."

But the Pacha anticipated his desire. He seated him on the highest ottoman in the tent, and treated him with a deference and respect which were quite astonishing to Sam, but which seemed to yield the greatest amusement to the officers of the staff.

"The bearer of the Firman is powerful as Azrael. Say, where is the imperial order for your slave's unfortunate head? The officers of the bowstring are near.'

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"An order for his head! Tell him, I know nothing about his head, nor his bow-strings either. I brought a letter from an old smoking fellow at Constantinople, but I've unfortunately lost it by the way."

"What! lost it ?" said the Pacha, who did not seem by any means rejoiced at the prospect of retaining his head. "Your highness is pleased to jest with your servant. You undoubtedly came from the monarch of the earth to put the cord round your slave's neck ?"

"I be cursed if I came for any such purpose."

""Ah, then,” said the Pacha, “ it grieves me we can only give you the second-rate robe of honour.-We are deprived of our sport, (he said to his attendants,) for this time at least your chief's head is in safety-Put the caftan of favour round the dragoman's shoulders."

Two splendidly dressed men, with arms bared up to the elbow, and bearing a silk cord, now advanced towards the interpreter. He clung for safety to his Excellency the Ambassador, screaming, "Save me, save me; they are going to strangle your slave."

"Strangle!-Nonsense, manDidn't the old gentleman treat us in the most polite way possible; and isn't he laughing, and all the other people too, as if it were a capital joke ?”

But in spite of Sam's consolatory observations, the interpreter continued his entreaties.

The men had now got up to him, and laid the green silk cord upon his shoulder. They then brought the two ends round to his breast; and another person, who seemed of higher rank, stept forward, bearing a short staff in his hand. Round this staff he twisted the ends of the cord till it was closely drawn to the dragoman's throat, and then he waited with the most imperturbable coolness for some signal from the chief. That personage, however, seemed to enjoy the scene too much to bring it to a speedy conclusion, and continued to pour out his ironical compliments both to the dragoman and Sam. "The caftan of honour is given to the servant of the messenger of the Sultan; he does not seem to prize the distinction sufficiently.""Oh, save your slave!" exclaimed the dragoman. "He is a dog, and would lick the dust; but save him, your highness!"

"Come, Mister Pacha,” said Sam, as coaxingly as he could," you have had your fun with the poor devil, though I can't see the joke of it my self. You see he's half-dead with fright. Let him go, there's a good fellow."

"There are twelve of your brethren, the scoundrelly Greeks of the Faynal, gone before you, all wearing the same marks of my favour. See that the caftan fits him closehe will catch cold, else." As he said these words, the Pacha nodded to the person who held the staff; and in an instant, by a dexterous turn of the wrist, the cord was drawn tight, and the howlings, and terrified exclamations of the dragoman, were cut short by death. The staff was untwisted e'er Sam recovered from his amazement, and the corpse of his companion, still writhing, fell down upon his feet. He started up in horror at the murder, and forgetting the danger which surrounded him, he exclaimed," You blood-thirsty Turk, by G-d! if there's law or justice to be had for love or money, you shall swing for this. You're a pretty son of a to pretend to be so polite, and then to kill a poor devil of a fellow who never did you a morsel of harm. Keep your cursed sofa to

yourself, for I would not stay with such a Burking old scoundrel, no, not to be Mayor of London." And Sam, foaming with indignation, stalked away; but he had not gone far when the same two men who had brought the cord stopt him, and led him back to the ottoman he had left This time, instead of a bow-string they carried a long thong of thick leather, and the Pacha, still continu ing his respectful behaviour, said,— "Your excellency is too condescend ing to your slave. Ho! chamberlai

put the Shoes of Glory on hi highness's feet." With the rapidit of lightning, Sam was thrown bac upon the sofa; his shoes forcibl taken from his feet, and while th whole tent was convulsed with laugh ter, one of the men swinging th bastinado round his head, inflicted such a blow on his unprotected soles that Sam screamed aloud with ming led rage and pain.

"Let me go this moment, ye bloody minded rascals-d-e if I don' hawl you up for this.-I'll bring a action"

But here the second blow enrage him beyond all endurance, and while struggling with enormous strength and, roaring at the top of his lungs he felt a hand laid on his shoulder and, on looking up, saw Jack Thom son in his dressing-gown, and all the rest of us standing round his bed.


'Why, Rosy Sam, what the deuce is the matter with you this morning disturbing the whole house?"

"Matter," said Sam, sitting bol upright," where's that infernal Turk I'll teach him to strike an Englishman on the feet. What, Jack Thomson! Jem! Bill!-All here-at Bastock-Lord bless ye, I've had such a dream-all coming of your confounded stories, Jack-I thought I was tried, drowned, taken, sold, beat, bastinadoed, married to eight wives


and the devil knows all what. But here we are, my boys, let's have our breakfast; then we'll have a day's coursing in the upland fields, and after dinner, I'll tell you all adventures-how I was sent as an ambassador by the Sultan." "And they could not have found a fellow," said Jack, "who was a considerable punster, who could have made himself more at home with the Sublime Port than yourself."


DESTINED as our pages are to carry the conservative principles, and attachment to the constitution, to the remotest quarters where the English language is spoken in the world, it is with great reluctance that we mingle with such momentous disquisitions, any thing of a local or provincial na ture; and our readers must long have perceived, that our pages are, in g general, as free from the details of Scotch transactions as if they were written at Nova Zembla. But while this is the general rule, there must be some exceptions: occasions on which the conservative principles themselves call upon us to give publicity, and confer merited celebrity, on patriotic services; and when to pass over in silence courageous efforts and splendid talent, would be alike unworthy of the cause we advocate, and the country which has given us birth.

We have uniformly maintained, that the effect of the Reform measures in the contemplation of Government, would be to augment in some places the aristocratie, in others the democratic influence in the country, to the entire extinction, between them, of the middling and respectable bodies who at present lie between these extremes, and moderate the fierceness with which, upon their destruction, they will assail each other. We have also maintain ed, that this tendency is now clearly perceived by all those different classes, and that the chief supporters of the Reform Bill in Scotland are the Whig aristocrats, with their professional dependants, in the country, and the democratical party, with their numerous filiations, in the towns: the former being influenced by the hope, through their numerous tenantry, of governing the county-the latter, through the ten-pound tenants, of carrying the borough elections. The demonstrations of public opinion which have recently been made, or are now in progress, in Scotland, completely demonstrate the justice of these observations. While the respectable, influential, and intelligent middling ranks, of fession and class, are

every pro

combining to


express their alarm and detestation of the Bill, some of the great feudal Whig proprietors are coalescing with the manufacturing rabble to testify their support of its principles. In Lanarkshire, the Duke of Hamilton has attended a meeting of the Glasgow radicals to support reform; and the Premier Peer of Scotland was not ashamed to propose resolutions, which were seconded by operative weavers! At Perth, a meeting has been held, convened by the Breadalbane and Athol families, along with the weavers and sail-makers of Perth and Dundee, to petition in favour of a measure which promises to give the command of the Highland counties to these overgrown proprietors with their armies of catherans, and the control of the lowland cities to the burgh radicals, with their squalid and democratic followers. At this meeting the ancient title of Glenorchy was no longer heard, and the Earl of Ormelie signalized his elevation by the reforming administration, by uniting with their radical followers in the Lanes of Perth. In Roxburghshire, the Earl of Minto has coalesced with the Hawick weavers, and got up a petition, signed by such names that many of them were not thought fit to be published even in the radical newspapers.

It is remarkable, that in all these cases, the Whig aristocracy have not united with their natural friends and supporters, the tenantry of their estates, but with the weavers of the manufacturing towns in the vicinity. It is the weavers of Hamilton and Airdrie, Perth and Dundee, Hawick and Galashiels, who have coalesced with the noble families of Hamilton,

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Breadalbane, and Minto. It is needless to say, that at all these meetings the gentry of the country, with the exception of a few intimate friends or dependants of these great families, were absent, and the aristocratic brought into close and immediate conjunction with the democratic classes. The country understands this ominous conjunction; it portends the extinction of the inferior nobility, the gentry, the merchants, manufacturers, lawyers, higher tradesmen,


and farmers, the destruction of the middling and useful orders of society, to leave the field clear to aristocratic pride and republican ambition. Very different have been the manifestations of public feeling on the part of the gentry, landholders, and respectable classes in Scotland. At Glasgow, an anti-reform address has recently been signed by above 1000 of the most respectable merchants, bankers, traders, and shopkeepers of that great emporium of commerce and industry, the second city in the empire in point of population, wealth, and importance. So strongly is thè intelligence and wealth of that part of Scotland impressed with the peril of the present measures of innovation, that, not content with this great demonstration of opinion, we hope very soon there will be a public meeting of the Conservative party there, for the purpose of addressing both Houses of Parliament.-In Berwickshire, one of the greatest agricultural counties of Scotland, a requisition for a public county meeting has been published, signed by 125 persons, embracing almost all the landed proprietors, and above eighty of the principal farmers of that opulent and intelligent district,-men superior to their brethren in any other part of the island in agricultural skill, and inferior to none in intelligence and patriotism,-who pay an amount of rent which would outweigh the income of an army of radicals, and have received an education equal to that of any body of gentlemen in Great Britain.-At a recent visit of Lord Aberdeen to his extensive Aberdeenshire estates, he was voluntarily waited upon by an immense body of his tenantry, to express their attachment to his person and family, and their admiration of his political conduct; and it would be hard to find an equal body of farmers in any part of the island, of the same natural sagacity and deliberate judgment.

The Conservative party in Perthshire have come forward in a very different way from the Highland chieftains and lowland city democrats of the county. A petition is in progress, embracing four-fifths of the noblemen, gentlemen, clergy, and farmers of the county, in favour of the constitution. These landed proprietors have not come forward

to unite with the rabble of towns; they have stood forth with their farmers, neighbours, clergy, and friends-with all who are united with them in interest, or attached in affection, to support the system under which they have lived, and pros pered, and hope to die together.

It is not surprising that the tenant ry of Scotland, wherever they are sufficiently educated to understand the nature and practical tendency of the changes which are proposed should be filled with alarm at their consequences, and deprecate the fa tal gift of political dissension with which they are threatened by the Re form Bill. They have sense enougl to perceive the consequences o breeding political warfare betweer a landlord and his farmers; they compare their own condition with that of the English and Irish te nantry-they dread to convert the independent and prosperous Scotel cultivator into the fierce serf of the latter, or the obsequious tenant of the former country. They know that they must either vote with their landlords, or against them—that, it they do the former, they are convert ed into a menial herd, deprived of the power of political deliberation if the latter, they are introducing dissension and strife into a peaceful community, and may ultimately cover the Scottish valleys with the fires and the murders of Ireland.

Of a similar description is the recent stand made by the Conservative party at Edinburgh. While the Reforming Journals, with their usual exaggeration and falsehood, are reechoing the story of unanimity in the whole country in favour of the Billand even the Lord Chancellor hazarded, on the woolsack, the assertion, if the report of his speech be correct, that every man in Edinburgh capable of bearing arms, had signed the Reform petition-it was obvious to all practically acquainted with the state of public opinion in the country, not only that there was a very great division on the subject, but that the decided majority of property, intelligence, and virtue, had ranged itself on the other side. The knowledge that this was the case, as much at Edinburgh as elsewhere, and a sense of the duty incumbent on the Scottish metropolis to take the lead in

such a manifestation of public opinion, in opposition to the clamour and delusion of the day, induced a number of individuals of the highest respectability, to project the plan of a public meeting, to give vent to these sentiments; and the result has been a display of the combined force of energy of talent, respectability, and property, such as never was before witnessed in this northern part of the island.

In making this observation, we do not mean to assert that, in point of numbers, the persons who attended this meeting were any thing at all approaching to that of the signatures at the Reform Petition. In a question where the multitude has been systematically arrayed against the property of the country, where brute force is brought to bear against intellectual power, and liberty of thought in the peaceful, is threatened with extinction by the advocates of licentiousness in the unruly, it is not to be expected that this ever can be the case. As much is it to be looked for, that the officers of an army are to equal in numbers the privates whom they command, or the gifted spirits, who finally rule the tempests of thought, the thoughtless crowd who follow their suggestions. But there is no man acquainted with Scotland, who must not admit, that a great majority of the talent, of the property, and of the respectability of the city and its vicinity was assembled on this occasion; and that a degree of enthusiasm and unanimity was exhibited, such as never before was witnessed in this ancient metropolis.

It embraced many of the principal landed proprietors of the neighbour hood, almost all the great bankers, merchants, and traders of the city, a decided majority of the bar and legal profession in all its branches, and almost every individual known as occupying a respectable station in society in Edinburgh, whose fortunes are not wound up with or dependant on the present administration. A priori, it would have been deemed impossible to assemble such a meeting on account of any cause, or by any exertions whatsoever. The suc cess of such an attempt demonstrates the intensity of the feeling against the ruinous measures of administra

tion, which has grown up in this country, and the vehemence with which public thought rushed into the right channel, when the barriers which have so long restrained it by violence and intimidation from the lower orders, were removed.

The means by which this noble and heart-stirring display of public feeling was effected, are particularly worthy of notice, with a view to their general adoption. Edinburgh contains its full proportion of dissolute and abandoned characters, who enlist themselves under the banner of Reform, in order to gratify their malignant or licentious passions; it contains also its full proportion of popular violence; and of great but distorted, or misled ability among the higher and upright class of Reformers. The excesses and violence of the mob in this city at the last election, at one time seemed to threaten such a conflagration as has illuminated the progress of Bristol Reform. But all these indigent and reckless thousands were restrained, popular discontent was overawed, and the public tranquillity was effectually preserved, by the publication of the names of the requisitionists to the address. That list contained such an assemblage of wealth, respectability, and talent, that faction was overawed,violence was intimidated, envy and vituperation were silenced. The ignorant thousands who petitioned for Reform, beheld in that list their landlords, their employers, their teachers, their benefactors; those whose wealth gave them bread, whose benevolence had saved them from starvation, whose genius had, till recent delusion, guided their thoughts. The result of this display of moral was the subjugation of phy sical strength; and hence the triumphant and tranquil termination of the appeal.

It is by similar means that conservative meetings, and, what is still more, conservative public meetings, may be carried through in every part of the country. If a few individuals only come forward, they will cer tainly be exposed to obloquy-probably, in these days of popular li cence and unrestrained violence, to danger. But if a great body of weal thy and influential persons stand forth at once, their wealth, charaçe

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