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nations, was impofed upon the fathers of the American empire. 7. Here was a people thinly fcattered over an extensive territory, lords of the foil on which they trod, commanding a prodigious length of coast, and an equal bredth of frontier; a people habituated to liberty, profeffing a mild and benevolent religion, and highly advanced in fcience and civilization. To conduct fuch a people in a revolution, the addrefs must be made to reafon as well as to the paffions. And to reason, to the clear understanding of thefe variously affected colonies, the folemn addrefs was made.

8. A people thus enlightened and capable of difcerning the connection of caufes with their remoteft effects, waited not the experience of oppreffion in their own perfons; which they well knew would render them lefs able to conduct a regular oppofition.

9. But in the moment of their greatest profperity, when every heart expanded with the increafing opulence of the British American dominions, and every tongue united in the praifes of the parent state and her patriot king, when many circumftances concurred which would have rendered an ignorant people fecure and inattentive to their future interests; at this moment the eyes of the American argus were opened to the first and most plaufible invasion of the colonial rights.

10. In what other age, or nation, has a laborious and agricultural people, at eafe upon their own farms, fecure and diftant from the approach of fleets and armies, tide waiters and ftamp mafters, reafoned before they had felt, and from the dictates of duty and confcience, encountered dangers, distress and poverty, for the fake of fecuring to pofterity a government of independence and peace?

11. The toils of ages, and the fate of millions, were to be fuftained by a few hands. The voice of unborn nations called' upon them for fafety; but it was a ftill, fmall voice, the voice of rational reflection. Here was no Cromwell to inflame the people with bigotry and zeal, no Cæfar to reward his followers with the fpoils of vanquished foes, and no territory to be acquired by conquest.

12. Ambition, fuperftition and avarice, thefe univerfal torches of war, never illumed an American field of battle. But the permanent principles of fober policy fpread through the colonies, roufed the people to affert their rights, and conducted the revolution.

Extract from Mr. AMES's Speech in Congress on the subject of executing the Treaty between the United States and Great

Britain.

1. THE confequences of refufing to make provifion for the treaty are not all to be forefeen. By rejecting, valt interefts are committed to the fport of the winds. Chance becomes the arbiter of events, and it is forbidden to human forefight to count their number, or meafure their extent. Befere we refolve to leap into this abyfs, fo dark and fo pro. found, it becomes us to paufe and reflect upon fuch of the dangers as are obvious and inevitable. If this affembly fhould be wrought into a temper to defy thefe confequences, it is vain, it is deceptive to pretend that we can efcape them. It is worse than weakness to fay, that as to public faith our vote has already fettled the queftion, Another tribunal than our own is already erected. The public opinion, not merely of own country, but of the enlightened world, will pronounce a judgment that we cannot refift, that we dare not even affect to defpife.

2. Well may I urge it to men who know the worth of character, that it is no trivial calamity to have it contefted. Refufing to do what the treaty ftipulates fhall be done, opens the controversy. Even if we fhould ftand justified at last, a character that is vindicated is fomething worfe than it flood before, unquestioned, and unquestionable. Like the plaintiff in an action of flander, we recover a reputation disfigured by invective, and even tarnished by too much handling. In the combat for the honor of the nation, it may receive wounds, which, though they fhould heal, will leave fcars. I need not fay, for furely the feelings of every bofom have anticipated, that we cannot guard this fenfe of national honor, this aver living fire which alone keeps patriotifm warm in the heart, with a fenfibility too vigilant and jealous.

3. If, by executing the treaty, there is no poffibility of difhonor, and if, by rejecting, there is fome foundation for doubt and for reproach, it is not for me to measure, it is for your own feelings to eftimate, the vast distance that divides the one fide of the alternative from the other.

4. To expatiate on the value of public faith may pafs with fome men for declamation-to fuch men I have nothing to fay. To other I will urge, can any circumftance mark upon

a people more torpitude and debasement? Can any thing tend more to make men think themselves mean, or degrade to a lower point their eftimation of virtue and their standard of action.

5. It would not merely demoralize mankind, it tends to break all the ligaments of fociety, to diffolve that mysterious charm which attracts individuals to the nation, and to inspire in its ftead a repulfive fenfe of fhame and disgust.

6. What is patriotifm? Is it a narrow affection for the spot where a man was born? Are the very clods where we tread intitled to this ardent preference because they are greener? No, fir, this is not the character of the virtue, and it foars higher for its object. It is an extended felf-love, mingling with all the enjoyments of life, and twisting itself with minuteft filaments of the heart. It is thus we obey the laws of fociety, because they are the laws of virtue. In their authority we fee, not the array of force and terror, but the venerable image of our country's honor. Every good citizen makes that honor his own, and cherishes it not only as precious, but as facred. He is willing to rifk his life in its defence, and is conscious that he gains protection while he gives it. For what rights of a citizen will be deemed inviolable when a ftate renounces the principles that conftitute their fecurity? Or, if his life should not be invaded, what would its enjoyments be in a country odious in the eyes of strangers, and difhonored in his own? Could he look with affection and veneration to fuch a country as his parent? The fense of having one would die within him, he would blufh for his patriotifm, if he retained any, and justly, for it would be a vice. He would be a banished man

in his native land.

7. I fee no exception to the respect that is paid among nations to the law of good faith. If there are cafes in this enlightened period, when it is violated, there are none when it is decried. It is the philofophy of politics, the religion of governments. It is obferved by barbarians--a whiff of tobacco fmoke or a string of beads gives not merely binding force but fanctity to treaties. Even in Algiers, a truce may be bought for money, but when ratified, even Algiers, is too wife or too juft to difown and annul its obligation. Thus we fee neither the ignorance of favages, nor the principles of an affociation for piracy and rapine, permit a nation to despise its

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engagements. If, fir, there could be a refurrection from the foot of the gallows, if the victims of juftice could live again collect together and form a fociety, they would, however loth, foon find themselves obliged to make justice, that justice under which they fell, the fundamental law of their ftate. They would perceive it was their intereft to make others refpect, and they would therefore foon pay fome respect themselves to the obligations of good faith.

8. It is painful, I hope it is fuperfluous, to make even the fuppofition that America fhould furnish the occafion of this opprobium. No, let me not even imagin, that a republican government, fprung as our own is, from a people enlightened and uncorrupted, a government whofe original right, and whofe daily difciplin is duty, can, upon folems debate, make its option to be faithless- -can dare to act what defpots dare not avow, what our own example evinces, the states of Barbary are unfufpected of. No, let me rather make the suppofition that Great Britain refufes to execute the treaty, after we have done every thing to carry it into effect. Is there any language of reproach pungent enough to express your commentary on the fact? What would you fay, or rather, what would you not fay? Would you not tell them, wherever an Englishman might travel, fhame would ftick to him-he would difown his country. You would exclaim, England, proud of your wealth, and arrogant in the poffeffion of power-blush for these diftinctions, which become the vehicles of your difhonor. Such a nation might truly fay, to corruption, Thou art my father, and to the worm, Thou art my mother and my filter. We should say of fuch a race of men, their name is a heavier burden than their debt.

9. The refufal of the pofts (inevitably if we reject the treaty) is a measure too decifive in its nature to be neutral in its con fequences From great caufes we are to look for great effects. A plain and obvious one will be, the price of the western lands will fall. Settlers will not chufe to fix their habitation on a field of battle. Thofe who talk fo much of the interest of the United States fhould calculate how deeply it will be affected by rejecting the treaty-how vaft a tract of wild land will almoft ceafe to be property. This lofs, let it be obferved, will fall upon a fund exprefsly devoted to fink the national debt. What then are we called upon to do? How

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ever the form of the vote and the proteftations of many may difguife the proceeding, our refolution is in fubftance, and it deferves to wear the title of a refolution to prevent the fale of the western lands and the difcharge of the public debt.

10. Will the tendency to Indiah hoftility be contefted by any one? Experience gives the answer. The frontiers were fcourged with war till the negociation with Great Britain was far advanced, and then the ftate of hoftility ceafed. Perhaps the public agents of both nations were innocent of fomenting the Indian war, and perhaps they are not. We ought not however to expect that neighboring nations, highly irritated against each other, will neglect the friendship of the favages, the traders will gain an influence, and will abuse it--and who is ignorant that their paffions are easily raised and hardly retrained from violence? Their fituation will oblige them to chufe between this country and Great Britain, in cafe the treaty fhould be rejected. They will not be our friends and at the fame time the friends of our enemies.

11. If any, against all thefe proofs fhould maintain that the peace with the Indians will be stable without the posts, to them I will urge another reply. From arguments calculated to produce conviction, I will appeal directly to the hearts of those who hear me, and ask whether it is not already planted there? I refort especially to the conviction of the western gentlemen whether, fuppofing no pofts and no treaty, the fet tlers will remain in fecurity? Can they take it upon them to fay, that an Indian peace under thefe circumftances, will prove firm? No, fir, it will not be a peace but fword; it will be no better than a lure to draw victims within the reach of the tomahawk.

12. On this theme, my emotions are unutterable: If I could find words for them, if my powers bore any proportion to my zeal, I would fwell my voice to fuch a note of remonfrance, it should reach every log-houfe beyond the mountains. I would fay to the inhabitants, wake from your falfe fecurity. Your cruel dangers, your more cruel apprehenfiens are foon to be renewed; the wounds, yet unhealed, are to be torn open again. In the day time, your path through the woods will be ambushed. The darkness of midnight will glitter with the blaze of your dwellings. You are a father-the' blood of your fons fhall fatten on your corn-fields a mother-the war-hoop fhall wake the fleep of the cradle.

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