He

lected that in carrying out that resolution, they had to encounter the prejudices and feelings of persons who would take a very different view of it, and who might not be prepared to make a similar sacrifice. Sir Robert Peel urged the same topic, stating, that although he was prepared to agree in the resolution, it was not without a great sacrifice of opinion. was sure that it would be for the tranquillity of Ireland that an end should be put to all secret societies in that country. The existence of any of them was an evil, inasmuch as it held out a bad example to others. His opinion and his wish were, not only that an end should be put to all such associations, but also that the spirit in which they originated should be entirely and effectually suppressed. If the spirit remained, they would gain little by the suppression of its external forms. But he objected to proceeding by resolution; he thought they ought to indicate the will of the legislature by a law rather than by a resolution of one branch of it. They ought studiously to avoid a course, by which a dominant majority of that House could denounce any party. They should be cautious in denouncing by a majority of that house any proceedings of any bodies, which, though they might be ojectionable in many respects, might still not be against any law of the land. The resolutions of that House had no force, except such as the prerogative of the crown might give them; they had not the force of law; and this was the first time that he had heard of establishing the precedent of a resolution of that House, disqualifying for office on the alleged ground of conduct, the legality of

which was at least questionable. However, he waived all those objections, for he perceived that all in that house were prepared to address the crown to put an end to all secret societies; but he saw no advantage that could be gained by the specific mention of Orange societies, which the words of the resolution virtually included even without naming them. Ministers should bear in mind that the acquiescence of the opposition side of the House in their proposed resolution was not the acquiescence of a reluctant minority. They had come to the House prepared to oppose the criminatory resolution of Mr. Hume, but they had likewise come prepared to support an amendment, which the chairman of the committee on Orange lodges had intended to move, if he had not been anticipated by Lord John Russell, and of which the latter's resolution was merely a copy, with the addition of the objectionable words.* To this address they had been prepared to agree, before they knew the course which the government was to follow; and as it was not to mere Orange lodges that he objected, but to the spirit in which they and other associations had originated, he thought that the most effectual mode of suppressing secret societies would be not to insist on words which,

*The amendment which Mr. Patten, who spoke immediately after Lord John Russell, intended to have moved, was, "That an humble address be presented to His Majesty, praying that His Majesty would be graciously pleased to take such steps as may be deemed desirable to discourage all political societies faith, using signs and symbols, and actexcluding persons of different religious ing by affiliated branches."

without serving any substantial purpose of good, were found offensive to those whose example and influence would be most beneficial to the object which the House had in view. The Orange members had expressed themselves disposed to make great sacrifices for this purpose, and it would be prudent and politic in the House not to weaken the influence of those from whom they had reason to expect such useful co-operation.

Lord John Russell, however, insisted on retaining the words, while he denied that they implied any stigma. There was no opinion pronounced as to the legality of these societies, but merely that they, as well as other secret societies, should meet the disapprobation of the crown. He thought, after what occurred last year, that the house was bound to declare its opinion, whether these societies were or were not injurious to the public tranquillity, and that they would not meet the case fairly, if they did not insert the words in question. All the previous debate had referred to these societies; and, while they mentioned other societies in general, it was their duty to mention these in particular. The Orange members not having insisted on a division, the resolution of lord John Russell was unanimously agreed to as an amendment on that of Mr. Hume, who did not press his own, though he declared that he still considered it the better of the two.

The address having been presented to the king, his majesty, on the 25th of February, returned the following answer:-"I willingly assent to the prayer of the address of my faithful commons, that I will be pleased to take such

measures as may seem to me advisable for the effectual discouragement of Orange lodges, and generally of all political societies, excluding persons of a different religious faith, using secret signs and symbols, and acting by means of associated branches. It is my firm intention to discourage all such societies in my dominions, and I rely with confidence on the fidelity of my loyal subjects, to support me in this determination.” The home secretary transmitted the address and the king's answer to the duke of Cumberland, as the official head of the Orange societies. His royal highness answered that, before receiving that communication, he had recommended the dissolution of the Orange institution in Ireland, in conformity with the known loyal principles of that body, and that he would forthwith adopt steps for the dissolution of the institution in England. The Orange societies immediately acquiesced, some of them with more cheerfulness, others of them with less, and all of them with regret. People asked, would a similar regard to expression of opinion by the commons and the crown have been manifested by those mischievous associations, which the popish demagogues employed to extend their own political power and the influence of their church, and which had set even acts of parliament at defiance?

The next measure regarding Ireland, which occupied the house, and one of the great party questions of the session, involved to an infinitely greater extent the relation in which the protestants and catholics were to stand to each other. After popular municipal institutions had been established

in England and Scotland, it was manifest that the same demand would be made in favour of Ireland, and that the question would then assume a much more difficult and important character. The innovations introduced in Great Britain had only extended the application of the democratic principal in its local governments; but in Ireland, the political question was necessarily mixed up with religious considerations. To open the Irish corporations, and create a five-pound or tenpound municipal constituency, would not merely be the enlargement of a political franchise, but would be a transference of all power from the protestants who had hitherto exercised it, to the great body of the popish population. Both parties might be equally admitted in name, but, in practice, the followers of the reformed faith would be excluded. Every borough would be subjected to the control of catholic ecclesiastics and demagogues, and all the powers of municipal government would be placed in the hands of a population too ignorant and rude to use them well. But though the danger of putting Ireland on the same footing with the other parts of the empire was sufficiently obvious, yet the very fact that in England and Scotland the corporations had been founded on a system of popular election, presented a great difficulty in resisting the application of the same principles to Ireland. The example had been set; the rule had been laid down; and the conservative party would have to prove the propriety of making Ireland an exception, by shewing that the circumstances of that country, and the condition and

divisions of its inhabitants, required a different mode of treatment-considerations which, however well founded, exposed them to the risk of being represented as establishing systems of government merely in relation to variances of religious creeds. The corporations, as they stood, were exclusively protestant; if they were altered as they had been in England and Scotland, they would become exclusively popish. Neither could it be maintained, after what had been already done, that they ought to be left in their present condition. A royal commission appointed to inquire into the state of these incorporations had reported, "that they provided no means, and contained no constituency, by which the property, the interests, and the wishes of the whole local community might secure a fair representation in the corporate body: that in many towns there was no recognised commonalty; that in others, where it existed, it was entirely disproportioned to the inhabitants, and consisted of a very small portion, of an exclusive character, not comprising the mercantile interests, nor representing the wealth, intelligence, or respectability of the town. The corporations, and not without reason, were looked on by the great body of the inhabitants with suspicion and distrust, as having interests distinct from, and adverse to, those of the general community, whom they thus studiously excluded from any participation in the municipal government. Their members frequently consisted of the relations and adherents of particular families or individuals, and the principles of their association, and those which

regulated admission and exclusion, had rarely any connexion with the common benefit of the district or the wishes of its inhabitants. In by far the greater number of the close corporations, the persons composing them were merely the nominees of the patron or proprietor of the borough; while in those which apparently were more enlarged, they were admitted and associated in support of some particular political interest, most frequently at variance with the majority of the inhabitants. The corporations have long been unpopular, and objects of suspicion. As at present constituted, they are, in many instances, of no service to the community; in others, injurious; in all, insufficient and inadequate to the proper purposes and ends of such institutions. The public distrust in them attaches to their officers and nominees; and the result is a failure of respect for, and confidence in, the ministers of justice and police."

Proceeding upon this report, Mr. O'Loghlen, attorney-general for Ireland, introduced a bill for the better regulation of Irish municipal corporations. He entered into many details to shew the limited and exclusive nature of the corporations, and the abuses, pecuniary as well as otherwise, to which this had led. He stated that, while a considerable number of corporations had perished since the union, there were still sixty in full vigour and eleven almost extinct. These seventy-one contained a population of 900,000 persons, while the number of corporators was only 13,000. Four of these boroughs contained 8,000 of the 13,000, leaving only 5,000 corporators to regulate the muni

cipal concerns of sixty-five or sixtysix boroughs, containing a population of more than 500,000 inhabitants. The smallness of the number was not redeemed by its character. These corporators were in general the mere tools and nominees of a predominant power, and their very essence was selfishness and exclusiveness. Since the year 1792, the corporations had been nominally open to Roman catholics, yet not more than 200 had been admitted to their freedom. In Dublin, the corporation proceeded on the avowed principle of excluding, not merely Roman catholics, but likewise the great majority of protestants of influence, wealth, and intelligence. Under such bodies, the interests of the community were necessarily sacrificed to a system of plunder and peculation. The corporation of Dublin had been authorised, by an act of the Irish parliament, to levy on the inhabitants of that city a tax called the pipe-water rate, imposed for the purpose of supplying Dublin with water; and it had been authorised, by an act framed in 1809, to levy another rate for laying pipes of metal instead of wood. The first thing they did was to vote their own treasurer 1,500l. a year outof the pipe-water rate; and notwithstanding the rates, they had contracted a debt of between 90,000l. and 100,000l. In 1790 the corporation of Derry obtained an act for building a bridge, and levying certain harbour and tonnage dues to cover the expense. The bridge was built for about 16,000l. which they borrowed: and although the dues drawn by them amounted, in 1813, to 32,0007., they had not paid a shilling of the debt. The bridge having been

carried away in 1813, the corporation obtained a new act, and a loan of 16,000l. from the consolidated fund. The new bridge was built, and the dues drawn between 1813 and 1831 amounted to 70,000l. Of this sum, 17,000l. had been laid out in repairs; 53,000l. was unaccounted for, and the debt remained undiminished. The real property of the boroughs was equally abused; it existed for the benefit only of the corporators, or of their patron, or of their friends. No stronger instance of this could be imagined than the circumstances detailed in the report of the commissioners regarding certain lands at Cashel. These lands, amounting to 1,500 acres, were held by a tenant under a lease for ninety-nine years from 1732, at a rent of 867. 7s. 6d., a fine having been paid. When the termination of the lease was approaching, he offered 10,000l. for à renewal. The offer was refused as being too low. Then he offered 15,000l.; this, too, was refused. Being thus disappointed, he sold the remaining term of his lease, about two years and a half, to the patron of the borough for 2,500l., and the patron immediately got a renewal for ninety-nine years, without paying any fine at all, the real value of the lands being at least 1,500l. per annum. Another source of pecuniary abuse lay here, that while the grand juries had the power of taxing the inhabitants for local purposes, disposing of contracts, and examining accounts, the corporations took care, by their returns, to keep all this in their own hands. In Dublin, by means of the exclusive nature of the corporation, the majority of persons returned in the presenting terms, for many

years past, belonged to the corporation. Of 336 persons who had been returned within a given time, only seven were catholies, and only thirty-five, including these seven, were not members of the corporation. In every presenting term the corporation had consequently a majority on the grand jury. The same thing occurred in Cork, where the freemen were very few compared with the population of 100,000 inhabitants.

Even these pecuniary abuses were of less importance than the mischievous influence exercised by the same

system on the administration of justice. The population of Dublin exceeded 250,000; the great majority were Catholics, and a large majority of the Protestants were unconnected with the corporation. But the sheriffs were always chosen from the corporate body; and before a candidate could go to the ballot with any chance of success, he was obliged to make political declarations, and pledge himself to toasts which were at variance with the opinions of the great majority of his fellow citizens. Could any

thing be more injurious to the administration of justice, or tend more directly to throw suspicion round all the acts of that officer ? A still more important matter was the composition of juries. In the selection of the special juries, a pannel of upwards of 700 persons was returned by the sheriffs of Dublin. But they were in the fetters of the corporation; they, therefore, put, first upon the panel, about 150 persons connected with the corporation; and the consequence was, that every special jury case, affecting the property or life of the Roman Catholics of Dublin,