103. THE CRUSADE AGAINST SLAVERY (1787).

Before Wilberforce entered on his crusade in parliament, Thomas Clarkson had succeeded in partially touching the national conscience. The formation of a league against the slave trade must be ascribed to his efforts, and it was he who won over Wilberforce. In 1808, after slavery had been abolished by parliament, Clarkson published a history of the movement, from which we derive this account of its origin as a practical enterprise. The Emancipation Bill, with its indemnity clause of £20,000,000, was not passed till 1833.

SOURCE. History of the Abolition of the African Slave-Trade. Thomas Clarkson (1760-1846). London, 1808. Vol. i., p. 252.

On receiving a card from Mr. Langton, I went to dine with him. I found the party consist of Sir Charles Middleton, Mr. Wilberforce, Mr. Hawkins Browne, Mr. Windham, Sir Joshua Reynolds and Mr. Boswell. The latter was then known as the friend of Dr. Johnson, and afterwards as the writer of his Tour to the Hebrides. After dinner the subject of the Slave-trade was purposely introduced. Many questions were put to me, and I dilated upon each in my answers that I might inform and interest those present as much as I could. They seemed to be greatly impressed with my account of the loss of seamen in the trade, and with the little samples of African cloth, which I had procured for their inspection. Sir Joshua Reynolds gave his unqualified approbation of the abolition of this cruel traffic. Mr. Hawkins Browne joined heartily with him in sentiment; he spoke with much feeling upon it, and pronounced it to be barbarous, and contrary to every principle of morality and religion. Mr. Boswell after saying the planters would urge that the Africans were made happier by being carried from their own country to the West Indies, observed, "Be it so. But we have no right to make people happy against their will." Mr. Windham, when it was suggested that the great importance of our West Indian islands, and the grandeur of Liverpool, would be brought against those who should propose the abolition of the Slave-trade, replied, "We have nothing to do with the policy of the measure. Rather let Liverpool and the Islands be swallowed up in the sea, than this monstrous system of iniquity be carried on." While such conversation was passing, and when all appeared to be interested in the cause, Mr. Langton

put the question, about the proposal of which I had been so diffident, to Mr. Wilberforce, in the shape of a delicate compliment. The latter replied that he had no objection to bring forward the measure in parliament, when he was better prepared for it, and provided no person more proper could be found. Upon this, Mr. Hawkins Browne and Mr. Windham both said they would support him there. Before I left the company, I took Mr. Wilberforce aside, and asked him if I might mention this his resolution to those of my friends in the City, of whom he had often heard me speak, as desirous of aiding him by becoming a committee for the purpose. He replied, I might. I then asked Mr. Langton, privately, if he had any objection to belong to a society of which there might be a committee for the abolition of the Slave-trade. He said he should be pleased to become a member of it. Having received these satisfactory answers, I returned home.

The next day, having previously taken down the substance of the conversation at the dinner, I went to James Phillips, and desired that our friends might be called together as soon as they conveniently could, to hear my report. In the interim I wrote to Dr. Peckard, and waited upon Lord Scarsdale, Dr. Baker, and others, to know (supposing a society were formed for the abolition of the Slave-trade) if I might say they would belong to it? All of them replied in the affirmative, and desired me to represent them, if there should be any meeting for this purpose.

At the time appointed, I met my friends. I read over the substance of the conversation which had taken place at Mr. Langton's. No difficulty occurred. All were unanimous for the formation of a committee. On the next day we met by agreement for this purpose. It was then resolved unanimously, among other things, That the Slave-trade was both impolitic and unjust. It was resolved also, That the following persons be a committee for procuring such information and evidence, and publishing the same, as may tend to the abolition of the Slave-trade, and for directing the application of such moneys as have been already, and may hereafter be collected for the above purpose.

Granville Sharp.
William Dillwyn.
Samuel Hoare.
George Harrison.

John Lloyd.
Joseph Woods.

Thomas Clarkson.
Richard Phillips.
John Barton.
Joseph Hooper.
James Phillips.
Philip Sansome,

All these were present. Granville Sharp, who stands at the head of the list, and who, as the father of the cause in England, was called to the chair, may be considered as representing the first class of forerunners and coadjutors, as it has been before described. The five next, of whom Samuel Hoare was chosen as the treasurer, were they who had been the committee of the second class, or of the Quakers in England, with the exception of Dr. Knowles, who was then dying, but who, having heard of our meeting, sent a message to us, to exhort us to proceed. The third class, or that of the Quakers in America, may be considered as represented by William Dillwyn, by whom they were afterwards joined to us in correspondence. The two who stand next, and in which I am included, may be considered as representing the fourth, most of the members of which we had been the means of raising. Thus, on the twenty-second of May, 1787, the representatives of all the four classes, of which I have been giving a history from the year 1516, met together, and were united in that committee, to which I have been all along directing the attention of the reader; a committee, which, labouring afterwards with Mr. Wilberforce as a parliamentary head, did, under Providence, in the space of twenty years, contribute to put an end to a trade, which, measuring its magnitude by its crimes and sufferings, was the greatest practical evil that ever afflicted the human race.

2

After the formation of the committee, notice was sent to Mr. Wilberforce of the event, and a friendship began, which has continued uninterruptedly between them, from that to the present day.

104. THE REVOLUTION SOCIETY (1789).

The Revolution Society would now be forgotten had not Burke attacked it in his Reflections on the French Revolution. Any intrinsic interest which it possesses for the historian springs from the character of its membership, and from its communications with the National Assembly of France. It was founded to commemorate the principles of 1688, with an original membership drawn from advanced Whigs and Nonconformists. It had transactions, an annual sermon and an annual banquet. When disturbances broke out in France it welcomed them enthusiasti

1 Pioneers. 2 Agitators connected with Clarkson's movement.

S

cally as the herald of a new era wherein democracy should cover the earth. Its president in 1789 was a peer, Lord Stanhope, and several others of its council were persons of prominence. The despatches sent by the Revolution Society to the French legislature, and those sent by patriotic societies at Dijon and Lille to the Revolution Society (together with the replies received), make a thick tract, and vividly recall the ideals which were then cherished by radicals on both sides of the Channel.

SOURCE. History and Proceedings of the Revolution Society for 1789. A, p. 50; B, pp. 60 and 62.

(4) Dr. Price1 then moved, and it was unanimously resolved, that the following congratulatory address to the National Assembly of France, be transmitted to them, signed by the Chairman:

The Society for commemorating the Revolution in Great Britain, disdaining national partialities, and rejoicing in every triumph of liberty and justice over arbitrary power, offer to the National Assembly of France their congratulations on the Revolution in that country, and on the prospect it gives to the two first kingdoms in the world, of a common participation in the blessings of civil and religious liberty.

They cannot help adding their ardent wishes of an happy settlement of so important a Revolution, and at the same time expressing the particular satisfaction with which they reflect on the tendency of the glorious example given in France to encourage other nations to assert the unalienable rights of mankind, and thereby to introduce a general reformation in the governments of Europe, and to make the world free and happy. STANHOPE.

Resolved unanimously.

(B) Extract from the Votes of the National Assembly of Wednesday, the 25th Nov., 1789.

A member having read a congratulatory address of the English Society called the Revolution Society; the Assembly, deeply affected with this extraordinary proof of esteem, expressed its satisfaction by loud applause, and resolved that the President be directed to write a letter to Lord Stanhope, Chairman of the Society, expressing the lively and deep sensibility with which

1 See Burke's Reflections, passim.

the National Assembly of France received the address of the Revolution Society in England, which breathes those sentiments of humanity and universal benevolence, that ought to unite together, in all countries of the world, the true friends of liberty and the happiness of mankind.

(Signed)

THE ARCHBISHOP OF AIX, President of the National Assembly.

Sealed with the Arms

of the National Assembly of France. (Counter-Signed)

THE VISC. DE MIRABEAU,

Secretary.

SALOMON DE LA SAUGERIE,
Secretary.

PARIS, the 5th December, 1789.

It is worthy, my Lord, of a celebrated society, and of an happy and free people, to interest themselves in the progress of public liberty and happiness.

The French nation has long been improving in knowledge and arts; and its government was directed by opinions derived from them even before the country governed itself by the laws which they dictated.

The nation pursued with ardour useful truths, and daily diffusing light over every branch of the administration, it appeared to be carried, as by an universal impulse, to those changes which now give it strength and stability.

A King whom we may call the best of men, and the first of citizens, encouraged by his virtues the hopes of the nation, and now, by universal concurrence, a durable Constitution is established, founded on the unalienable rights of men and citizens.

It undoubtedly belongs to our age, in which reason and liberty are extending themselves together, to extinguish for ever national hatred and rivalship.

We must not allow the prejudices which disgrace nations to produce wars, those errors of governments. But the two most enlightened People of Europe ought to show, by their example, that the love of their country is perfectly compatible with every sentiment of humanity.

The National Assembly discovers in the address of the Revolution Society of England, those principles of universal benevolence which ought to bind together, in all countries of the world, the true friends to the happiness and liberty of mankind.