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containing six millions of souls, is without a single sea-port on the Atlantic, and can scarcely ever own a ship; her trade must therefore be carried on by us, who are her next door neighbors. This alone would indemnify us for the loss of the carrying trade. Our northern ship owners are much more nearly interested in their independence than they may imagine. As respects other parts of South America, we should at least enter into a fair competition with the English, and perhaps even possess considerable advantage from our vicinity.

There is another consideration deserving attention. There may be in many things a common American continental interest, in opposition to an European interest. I am no advocate for the visionary idea of a great American Congress on the Isthmus; but there may exist an understanding upon a variety of subjects of general concern. The weight and importance of each state will be wonderfully increased by this vicinage of independent states, even if there should be no alliance. The United States are at present a single isolated power, and the monarchs across the Atlantic are under no apprehensions that other nations will make a common cause with us when our rights are violated. Suppose, for example, the existence of several governments on this continent, entirely free from any connexion with Europe, and completely beyond her control-beyond the vortex of any of her primary interests; would the British, or any other government, in this case, have set at naught the rights of neutrals? No, she would have placed too high a value on the good will of America to have sported with them so lightly.

It was for this reason that we rejoiced at the establishment of an independent American sovereignty in the Brazils. We entertained hopes that this sovereignty, as American, would be friendly to us. We have reason to believe, from the reception of our agents, that we should not be disappointed. We found, however, that during the late war (from the nature of his relations with England) the king of the Brazils leaned rather to the side of our enemy. We are not in the habit of violating the rights of others, at the same time we do not easily forget injuries; it seemed to us that the affair of the privateer Armstrong, at Fayal, did not excite that sensation at the Brazilian court which it ought to have excited. For this, however, I am disposed to make allowance; and the appointment as minister to this government, of a man who had made our country his choice, who was on terms of friendship with many of our most distinguished fellow-citizens,who was supposed to be too much a republican for Europe, had the appearance of complimenting our institutions, and seeking a friendly understanding. It must now be the interest of the king of the Brazils to make his country VOL. XIII. NO. XXV. E

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florish, and the sooner he geis rid of his European possessions the better. I must confess I felt hurt at the manner in which the late insurrection was noticed in our newspapers. I should not be surprised, if to the Brazilian court it should have appeared a conclusive proof of the deepest enmity towards it, on the part of this country. Now, I do not see what greater right we have to be illnatured towards a government because its form is monarchical, than such government has to be inimical to us because we are a republic; at least, if we display this temper towards others, we have no right to complain that it is manifested towards us. With respect to the insurrection at Pernambuco, we were led into an error, by con founding it with the struggle of the patriots, while their situation and their cause were, in fact, very different; whatever we may think of the form, the Brazilians had already obtained the great object for which the Americans are contending-a government within themselves. The affair of Pernambuco was nothing more than the revolt of an adjoining province, and we had no more right to intermeddle with it than with a French or English insurrection. It is by confounding things in this manner that the cause of the patriots is injured.

The independence of America from Europe is the first great object to be obtained. Compared to this, every consideration is of minor importance. The establishment of governments, founded on the most free and liberal principles, inasmuch as this must tend to our own happiness, the happiness of our fellow men, and the more rapid improvement of America, is certainly the next thing to be desired. The independence and freedom of this continent are two things we should, as far as is practicable, consider as inseparable; yet, if any part of South America should adopt forms not agreeable to our notions, it would be the height of arrogance on our part to decline their friendship, and ridiculous to make war upon them on that account. It would be highly offensive and insulting on our part to dictate to any people the kind of government they ought to adopt; true republican liberality forbids it. I must confess we are too much in the habit of intermeddling with the interior concerns of other nations. Let us cherish our own institutions; but we may do this with less boasting of ourselves, or fault-finding with others. In case of the adoption of constitutions by the patriots, formed on principles somewhat liberal, we need not fear but that both our own enterprising and intelligent countrymen and the individual Englishmen who visit those countries, will give them useful hints in the establishment of their governThey will have to do, principally, with the two nations to whom the true principles of free government are best known in theory and practice. There is every reason to believe that we shall

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unite in the most perfect harmony with the subjects of Great Britain in effecting this noble work. I am under no apprehensions that my countrymen will be unable to enter into a fair competition with the English; these will perhaps reap the first crop from the independence of South America, but we shall obtain a much more solid and permanent footing. In us the patriots can much more fully and safely confide, as entertaining wishes for their welfare very different from those of England, which will desire their prosperity for the sake of enjoying their commerce; while over and above this selfish motive, we desire it for the sake of more important considerations, and which will be mutual: besides, we receive a pleasure and feel a sympathy which others cannot know, from the sight of colonies engaged in a contest similar to the one of which we form our pride and boast. We wish them success, because they are endeavoring to free themselves from Europe-because they are Americans, and because their success and happiness will afford additional security to our own. We ought not to be jealous of the English because they assist the Patriots; we should rejoice at it. The Patriots are sufficiently aware that the English have a boundless ambition, that they are desirous of having possessions in every part of the globe; they know at the same time, that we have no colonies, and never will have any; that our only ambition is to fill up the territory we already possess, or which we claim, and to enjoy a fair commerce with other parts of the world. The charge made against us of entertaining ambitious views, similar to those of European nations, is too ridiculous to deserve a refutation. We have a fixed boundary given us by the consent of European nations themselves, beyond which neither our wishes nor the nature of our government, wil permit us to stray. Within that boundary, we are ambitious to improve the lands which at this time are lying waste, by which the whole human family will be as much bene fitted as ourselves. Our war in Canada was not a war for the sake of extending our territory; it was for our own safety, and for the sake of future peace. It is questionable whether we should accept it nów, if offered to us for nothing. And who is it that thus accuse us of ambitious designs? They are foxes and wolves who are preaching. This will not deceive the patriots of South America; they will confide in us.

The preponderance of the United States in the affairs of America, will be a natural one, and which can give no offence; it will arise from being the elder state, from having a more numerous, a more homogeneous, a more active, and in general, a more enlightened population; from a greater disinterestedness, regard to justice, and love of peace. The United States will be the natural head of the New World. Having already a government well consolidated,

proved, and settled down, holding a distinguished rank in the world, advancing with amazing rapidity, they must far outstrip any of the American empires. Mexico, it is true, may one day vie with us in some respects, but being necessarily a mere inland state, she never can be equal to us in strength; it will be long before the Brazils, provinces of La Plata, New Granada, Chili, and Peru, or other parts of South America, which cannot coalesce, will be able to overtake us. In stretching the vision into futurity, we look in vain for those causes of war which continually desolate Europe; if systems like our own are established, where peace is the great end of all our wishes, where the happiness of society alone is consulted, and not the vanity of privileged families, we may live a thousand years without a quarrel. If all the nations in the world were governed by the same principles that we are, there would be an end to wars.

The patriots have, at this moment, agents near all the courts of Europe. We have been told that they have made propositions to some of them incompatible with the very object they are struggling for. We should be on our guard against their enemies, who will be very busy in circulating stories to their disadvantage. It is natural that the patriots should be desirous of conciliating the nations of Europe at least, prevail on them to remain neutral. I believe they have little to fear; neither European interest, nor inclination, nor honor, leads to take part with Spain in the hellish work of extermination, carried on by this wretched monarchy. They know well the disposition of this country; from us they have nothing to fear. It might be doubted how much French influence or English influence there might have been here, but certainly there never was much Spanish influence. It is, therefore, natural that the patriots should be chiefly solicitous to render the European nations passive. I firmly believe that this will be the case; they all sincerely join with us in wishing the independence of South America; and whatever they might feel themselves bound to do for Spain, in case we took a part in the contest, they will certainly not be disposed to undertake the odious task of executioners, without something of this kind to justify the interference. In my opinion, they will not interfere under any circumstances; for surely, what cannot be the interest of any one singly, cannot be the interest of all conjointly; and it is not their interest to oppose the emancipation of America. But if not disposed to consent that we shall be directly instrumental in effecting its independence, they at least expect of us to acknowledge the independence of such as have fairly earned it. It is very evident that we must be, and should be proud to be, the first to acknowledge the independence of South America, or any part of it, whenever it may be achieved, now, or ten years hence. It is probable,

that some of the European powers, having objects to answer, may sport with the credulity of Spain; the agents of Spain may whisper that her cause is to be espoused by the great congress; but these tricks will deceive none but themselves.

In what condition are the European powers to render her assistance? And if they be the first to do this, shall we be idle? We can render more assistance to the patriots than all Europe can render to Spain. The fact is, the European states are in no condition to render such assistance. A sort of mysterious phrase has lately been introduced, for the purpose of alarming our people with some indescribable danger, some "deed without a name. It is said, our conduct is "narrowly watched," that we are regarded "with no friendly eye," that "Europe is jealous of us."-How long is it since, we were "a patch-work republic," a "heterogeneous jarring mass," continually on the point of falling to pieces in consequence of our political dissensions, weak and despicable as a nation, and therefore every where to be insulted with impunity! Now, it seems, we are to be narrowly watched; we have become dangerous to Europe.-Ever running from one extreme into another, it appears that those who speak of us, are at all times equally removed from truth. The former set of opinions respecting us, have all been found erroneous; we have shown the world that we are not a miserable patch-work, that we can be united, that our government has a sufficient energy when circumstances call for it, and that our political squabbles are proofs of health, and not of disease; they now, therefore, call us the Great Republic, and pretend to think that we are becoming dangerous. Yes, and we are dangerous; but it is to those who declare themselves our enemies, and do us wrong. Lawless and unprincipled individuals will be found in every nation; but the true character of the American government and people, is a scrupulous regard to the principles of justice, and a love of honorable peace. What, for instance, would have been the conduct of of the any powers Europe, in our situation, towards Spain for the last fifteen years? Would any of them have patiently borne, as we did, the aggressions and insults of that monarchy, when we had the means of redress so completely in our power? What European government would have forborne, like ours, to take possession of the Floridas and the province of Texas? Had France or England been in our situation, the territories which we claim by the right of cession, and to which all, but the Spaniards themselves, now admit that we are entitled, would have been taken possession of long ago. East Florida would have been sequestered on the double ground of the villanous spoliations of our commerce, and the conduct of Spain in permitting our enemy to make war upon

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