least foundation for it. Having thus broken down in his attempt before the highest council of the nation, which, we may be sure, did most seriously and impartially consider his arguments, how can he venture now to go about the country recklessly repeating his unsupported denunciations? We have no patience with a private person who persists in accusing another or others of misdoings or neglects which he is unable to substantiate before a properly constituted court. And what better than this has Mr. Gladstone been doing? If it be any pleasure to him to think that he could, if he had been in office, have gained for Russia all that she required from Turkey without a war, nobody would care much to disturb his opinion; but if he goes about making these injurious charges against us all, he ought to be brought to account for persisting in such a course. If he did not obstinately close his mind against conviction, he must know that the conduct which he would have had us pursue would certainly have led us into a war. We do not believe that he at all regrets that we have been kept clear of hostilities; only, knowing that we are clear, he cannot refrain from blaming his political opponents for the very policy which has saved us from bloodshed, and from participation in this criminal and cruel contest. He would act much more wisely if, instead of keeping alive these vain charges in the hope of damaging his rival, he would let the country forget the unwise part which he himself played in regard to this quarrel. What his intention may have been no one may presume to say; but there can be little doubt that, in effect, his imprudent behaviour largely contributed to make Russia draw the sword. We cannot leave Mr. Gladstone and his recent sayings without calling attention to one of his remarks, the inference from which is so pointed that we can only wonder that he, who can make his tongue run in any direction that the immediate occasion may require, was unguarded enough to drop it. Mr. Gladstone, somewhat bitterly and reproachfully contrasted the conduct of members of the Established Church, in regard to the doctrine which he preaches and the action which he desires respecting the Eastern struggle, with the conduct of the Dissenting body. The Dissenters have cheered Mr. Gladstone's speeches, and been ready to carry out his proposed measures: but the Church has not lent its ear to the voice of the charmer; the Church has not preached a crusade against Turkey. We do not for a moment pretend to misunderstand what Mr. Gladstone meant. He, no doubt, intended to say that, inasmuch as the course which he advocates is the only just and generous and religious course, he is pained to see that the Church of which he is a member is cold and heartless in that regard, while the Dissenting body has the true fervour and spirit of charity. We comprehend Mr. Gladstone, we say; and we may add that we agree in the truth of his observation as a matter of fact; but we draw from it a conclusion which the right honourable gentleman has probably overlooked. The contrary action of the Church and the Dissenters to which he alluded, is another proof (although another proof was hardly needed) that the crusade which he has been preaching for so many months has its real spring in home politics, and that it directed itself to the Eastern Question simply because that promised to afford matter of accusation against her Majesty's Ministers. The Church, perceiving the craftiness of the movement, kept aloof from it; but the Dissenters, who are as anxious for the overthrow of the ment. Government as Mr. Gladstone can be, like his Eastern views all the better in that they, if carried into act, would displace a Ministry which will loyally uphold the EstablishSome little time ago it was Mr. Gladstone's boast that he and his friends of St. James's Hall really represented the nation, and that all who differed from them were simply "classes" who were restrained from doing what was obviously right by regard for "class interests.' How then does he explain the coldness of the National Church to which he has confessed? The number of churchmen in England alone is estimated at 12,500,000. These are in the main against Mr. Gladstone's views. Yet Mr. Gladstone speaks the mind of the nation! We cease from our monthly writing convinced that the mind of all Europe is more set against the continuance of the war than it has been since the struggle began. What was before dark about the strife has now become light. The real object of the aggressor, the true state of the Turkish provinces, the means of both sides, the improbability that the quarrel can be decided by arms within a reasonable time, are matters concerning which most men have tolerably clear ideas. And the general opinion which seems to have been arrived at is, that such a war is a blot upon the age; that the combatants ought, for their own sakes as well as for the sake of humanity, to discontinue it; that the time has come when the efforts of other nations may hopefully be directed to the termination of the strife. The antagonists are reported to be each uttering terrible threats, that he is prepared to fight to the last man and the last piece of money; but these are only the ordinary flourishes of belligerents, and may be used to cover a retreat. It would simply be madness in either nation to deliberately prolong the war when the opportunity might be presented of making an honourable peace. The victory is by no means assured to either side, and there should be no difficulty in arranging a peace upon equal terins. We are told continually that this or that Government has its own interests to be served by the war; that the success of one of the warring nations or its total exhaustion may suit the court policy here or there. But in truth, so horrible a contest should not be allowed to roll its bloody waves onwards for the pleasure of monarchs or the convenience of courts. The peoples of Europe should make their voices heard in condemnation of the continuance of the war: should speak in such a tone that their Governments, if they have no sound reason which they can openly put forward for encouraging or permitting the struggle, must do their utmost to end it. There is an obligation upon every inhabitant of Europe to forbid these massacres and butcheries, the diabolical cruelties, and the enormous spoliation and destruction which under shelter of hostilities are being daily and hourly perpetrated. No pains ought to be spared to bring opinion to a head on this point all over Europe. The method of acting must be to speak firmly to both the belligerents, and to insist that they sheathe their swords forthwith. If we cannot penetrate the minds of statesmen, we, the peoples of Europe, can at least exchange ideas with one another. Not one people can be found, we are sure, who will say that they wish the war to go on. If they go a step farther and say they are determined that it shall cease, they will give practical proof of that "progress" so often belauded and boasted of; they will show that we have really got a little beyond toleration of savagery such as could not be exceeded by the most benighted heathens. ABINGER AND THE NORTHERN CIRCUIT, Agamemnon, the tomb of, 673 et seq. ANGLO-INDIAN SOLDIER AND NOVELIST, Ardahan, 245, 246, 603-its defenceless 521. Arendrup, Col., his expedition against - ARMY WARRANT, THE NEW, 491 — Mr. Asia, the war in, 118 et seq.-Turkish Eastern Question, 359-her present in- Austrian Lloyd's steamers, 553. Bashi-Bazouks, their defence of their Bayazid, 119, 121, 239-its strategical Beaconsfield, Lord, in the House of Lords, Beydur clans, the, 582 et seq. Boker, Mr., U. S. Minister at Constanti- Bolan Pass, the, 223 et seq.-opened to Bright, Mr., on the state of parties, 752. Bulgaria, the truth about its misgovern- Buonaparte, Joseph, made king of Na- Burial, Homeric, 675 et seq. 'On Horseback ser- through Asia Minor,' reviewed, 592. Canterbury, Archbishop of, on the con- Capel, Monsignor, on the Ritualists, 371. Cettinge, a recent visit to, 553. Chefket Pasha, relieves Plevna, 637, et China, Dresden, manufactory of, 62 et Coaching, the revival of, 325. Index. Cobden, Mr., his peace principles unten- 'Confessions of an Opium-cater,' 546 et 'Confessions of a Thug,' by Colonel Mea- Consular rules of the United States vio- County franchise, the, 376, 753 et seq. Cresswell, Sir Cresswell, a leader on the Crete, the tête du pont of the Suez Canal, Cross, Mr., his speech on Mr. Gladstone's CURRENT POLITICS, THE SESSION AND, Czar, the, his proclamation, 237-his Dalmatia, the coast of, 553, 557. Danube, the, military difficulties in cross- et seq. Deerholtz, Captain, his brutal treatment De Leon's Khedive's Egypt,' reviewed, DEMOSTHENES, by F. H. D., 574. - De Quincey, his essay on 'Murder con- Diary of a late Physician,' by Samuel 466. IN THE EAST, AMERICAN, Dost Muhammad, his death, 221. DRESDEN CHINA, AND ITS MANUFACTORY AT MEISSEN, SAXONY, 62. Dubnik seized by the Russians, 757. EAST, THE STORM IN THE, No. II., 113- ENGLISH DIPLOMACY, the national aver- Epidaurus, the ancient, 556. Erskine, of Linlathen, Thomas, reviewed, 283-his influence Letters -his idea of the fatherhood of God the as- EURIPIDES, THE HELENA OF, 420-the Fatherhood of God, the, Erskine of Lin- Fellaheen, the Egyptian, 482. Fifty-five years' rule in the army, 499. Florimel, resemblance of Euripides' Helen Follett, Sir William, his persuasive elo- Gareloch, the religious manifestations at, Garrow, Sir William, 104 et seq. Gazi, the Turkish dignity of, 636. Giers, Mr., his account of the condition of Gipsy tramps, 329-their encampments, Gladstone, Mr., futility of his tactics, 368 Gordon, Pasha, his mission to Abyssinia, Gourko, General, crosses the Balkans, Grabbe, Count, killed at Kars, 773. Granville, Earl, his policy in opposition, 368. Green, Sir Henry, his opinion of our Grivitza redoubt, the, 518, 521. Gura, Fort, in Abyssinia, 29-battles at, Hanna, Dr., his edition of Erskine of the Hartington, Lord, his policy in opposi- Hassan, Prince, son of the Khedive, his becomes a member of the Jew Verein, HEINE, TRANSLATIONS FROM, BY THEO- History, irony in, 415, Holy Cross, the Society of, 370. Homer, illustrated by Dr. Schliemann's Home Rule obstructionists, 373 et seq. Ignatieff, General, his prejudicial influ- INDIA, THE KHEDIVE'S EGYPT AND OUR INDIAN FRONTIER POLICY: PAST AND IRENE MACGILLICUDDY, THE TENDER RE- 'Islam, A Ride through,' reviewed, 592. Wolsey," 478. Istrian wines, 557. Italy, the pedestrian in, 342. Jacob, General, his views of the Indian Jew-hunt at Hamburg, 77. Jews, the, their condition in Germany at John, King of Abyssinia, 26, 29 et seq. Johnson, Dr. T., his captivity among the Kars, second siege of, 770-its capture, Kertch, archæological remains at, 682. Egyptian finance, 481-pitiable condi- 'Khedive's Egypt, the,' by M. de Leon, Khelat, the Khanate' of, our relations Khodadad, Khan of Khelat, 230 et seq. Krupp gun, the, its execution in Abys- Kurds, the, their movements against the Lacroma, an island for sale, 556. Law (Lord Ellenborough), convicted by Lawrence, Lord, abandons policy of Lawyers in Parliament, their failure Loftcha, the Russian taking of, 516. Louis XI., Victor Hugo's portrait of, 166. M'Gahan, Mr., his account of Russian MAN'S REGRET, A, by J. R. S., 756. Maximilian of Mexico, his [island of La- croma, 550. Mayo, Lord, his adoption of a new fron- Meadows Taylor, Colonel, his 'Story of Mehemet Ali, his movements on the Lom, Melikoff, General Loris, his imprudent Merewether, Sir W., his arbitration in Michael, Grand Duke, defeated by Mukh- |