- - - -

Treasurer of the Navy. Secretary at War. - - : Joint Paymasters-General of the Forces.

' ' ' ' ' ' ' Joint Postmasters-General.

• * * * *

; Secretaries of the Treasury.

Master of the Rolls. Attorney-General. Solicitor-General.

. . . . . . Lord Lieutenant.

....... Lord High Chancellor. t ... ... Chief Secretary. " s . . . . . . Chancellor of the Exchequer.

To John Cartwright, Esq. on the Peace between

England and America, i, 33.

Mrs. Spencer Perceval, 15.

America, 65, 165.

Murder Murder 79. -

Lord Cochrane, and the Legion of Honour, 80.

Property Tax, 97.

Corn, Bill, 100, 161, 20%, 353.

* Continental Affairs, 109. . . .

Hampshire, Meeting—Property Tax–Trick of the

London Press, 129.

To the Knights, Grand Crosses, &c. of Hertford,

New England, 225.

The Budget, 228.

Deliverance of Spain, 257.

Wiltshire County Meeting, on the Corn Bill, 289.

Napoleon's Return, 322, $58.

Treaty with Napoleon, 326.

Letter I. to Lord Castlereagh, on Peace, 385.

Letter II. —-, on the Message to

the Prince Regent, 449. -

Letter III--—, on the Hope of Suc-
cess in a War against France,

Letter 1 W. —— —, on the Debates rela-

tive to the commencement of the War, 689, 705.

Letter V. ——, on the Westminster
Meeting, the Emperor Napoleon, the Duke of

* , Enghien, and Captain Wright, 769.

letter VI. ——, on the overthrow of

the Emperor Napoleon, 801.

Tools, on the Causes of his late Expulsion, &c.

17. -

Partial and Mean Perry, Proprietor of the Morn-

ing Chronicle, 97. -

:Sir John Cox Hippesly, 148.

* Murat, King of Naples, 171.

Sierra Leone, 193: ...

EProperty Tax and Finance, 203.

Jhe Inquisition, $98. - -

3Occupations and Miracles of King Ferdinand VII.

>Bonaparte in France, 315. - -

... To the People of Hampshire, on the Corn Bill, 321.
On Birkbeck's Journey in France, 466, 528.
lord Cochrane, 478. - -
o of the Livery of London against the War,
& ovo-

:

A By Stander, on German Troops, 16.
No German, on Riot at Lynn, 17.
Erasmus Parkins, on Réligious Persecution,
92, 152, 214, 250, 433. .
Justus, on the CEdipus Judaicus, 24.
Justitia, on Lettres de Cachet, 27.
, on Legitimate Sovereignty, 588.
Benevolus, on the Pillory, 69. -
University of Oxford, 32, 186, 281, 310.
An Admirer of American Republicanism, 54.
Juvenis, on the Congress, 82, 120,437.
A. B. on the Pillory, 85. o
Yarro, on the GEdipus Judaicus, 88.
Civis, on Finance, i14. - * *
Public Rejoicing by W. W. 120.
A Thinki's Briton, on the State of the Nation,
148.

Civis, on the Inquisition, 173,277.

-——, on the beloved Ferdinand, 208.

, to the Thinking People of England, 724,

Look at Home, by Tertio, 179.
Philo-Civis, on “ Horrid Blasphemous limpos-
ture.” 182. -

19.

–––., on the Legion of Honour, 218. s

——, on the New Post Office, 267.

Julian, on the late King of Sweden, 183.

P. C. on the Legion of Honour, 184, 268.

Inspired Writings, 211. ,

—— by Veritas, 275.

Aristides, on Cheap Corn, 246.

, on the Farmers, 415. -

, on the War against France, 555.

, on Traits of Courage in Frenchmen, 759.

—, on the 1nvasion of France, 818.

G. G. Fordham, on the Curn Bill, 948.

——, on Reform, War, and Taxes, 380,

, on the consequences of a War with

France, 524.

A Constant Reader, on Commerce and No Cora.

Bill, 270.

G. M.'s Plain Picture of the Corn Laws, 271.

W. P. R. on Freedom of Speech, 284.

— on the Corn Laws, 336.

A Friend to Sincerity, on Cheap Corn, 293.

T. H. I. on the Corn Laws, 297.

Amicus Britanniae, on Popular Opinions, 313. -

An Old Bachelor, on the Bachelor’s Tax, 333.

R. F.'s Defence of the Farmers, 337.

Verax on Religious Persecution, 378.

The Fair Sex, 379.

H. on the War with France, 411. -

A True Briton, on Retrenchment and Reform, 439,

; on British Political Objects, 816.

Hampden, on No War with France, 443. -

1] To JOHN CARTWRIGHT, Esq.

THE INFLEXIBLE ENEMY OF TYRANNY. on Tue Peace between England and America. Botley, January 1, 1815. DEAR SIR,-When you, a few minutes after I was enclosed amongst felons in Newgate, for having written about the flogging of English Local Militia-men in the presence of German Dragoons, at the town of Ely, came to take me by the hand, and, looking round you, exclaimed, “Well! “I am seventy years old, but I shall yet “see --------................... ;” When you uttered that exclamation, little indeed did I hope that your prediction would so soon seem to be in a fair way of being fulfilled. The peace with America is certainly the most auspicious event that I have ever had to record, or to notice, since the first day that I ventured to put my thoughts upon É. It opens to mankind a prospect of appier days. It has, by a stroke of the pen, blasted the malignant hopes of the enemies of freedom, baffled all their speculations, flung them back beyond the point whence they started in their career of hostility against the principles of political and civil liberty; hurled them and their paragraphs, and pamphlets and reviews, and all the rest of their hireling productions, down into the dirt to be trampled under foot; changed their exultation into -mourning, their audacity into fear. Let those to whom liberty and slavery are indifferent talk about boundary lines, passages, fishing banks and commercial arrangements; you will look at the peace with very different eyes; you will see in it the greatest stroke that has ever yet been struck in favour of that eause, to which you have devoted your life; and struck, too, at a time, when almost every friend of freedom, except yourself, seemed to have yielded to feelings of despair. A But, in order to be able fully and justly to estimate the consequences of this peace, we must take a review, 1st, of the cause of the war; 2d, of the causes of its conti

I [2 nuance until now ; and, 3d, of the causes which produced the peace. When we have done this, the conscqucoces of such a termination of the war will naturally develope themselves to our view. Happily this war has closed before its causes and its objects have been forgotten. We are yet within the recollection of every circumstance; and though I have, over and over again, stated them all, it is now necessary to recapitulate the material points, and to give them, if possible, a form and situation that may is, the power of time. All sorts of vile means will be used by those who have the controul of a corrupt press, to misrepresent,

this important occasion. To hirelings ars raving with mortification at this orand

before hand. It is, therefore, incumbent

a clear light, and thus to do all that we ars able to counteract their efforts. . FIRST, as to the cause of the war: though there had been several points in dispute, the war was produced by the impressment, by our naval officers, of men out of American ships on the high seas. The Republic wished to take no part in the European war, especially after Napoleon made himself a King, But she, at last found, that, in order to avoid miseries cquai

arm and to fight. We stopped her ships on the high seas, and out naval officers inpresed such men as they thought proper, took them on board of our ships, compelled them to sobmit to our discipline, and to fight, in short, in our service. The ground on which we proceeded to do this was, that the persons impressed were British subjects; and that we had a right to impress British subjects, being seamen, find them where we might. The Republic denied altogether our right to take persons of an description by force out of her neut

ships, unless they were soldiers or seamen actually in the service of our enemy. But, perhaps, if we had confined our impress

ments to our own people, she might agt

to disfigure, to disguise, to suppress, upou

event, the consequences of which they feel

upon us to place the whole of the matter in p p

to those of war, it was necessary for her to