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Since writing the above, Paris Papers of Monday have arrived, in which it is stated, that "Napoleon is gone to Havre, where he is to embark for England, accompanied by Prince Jerome, Prince Joseph, a first Equerry, a first Chamberlain, and two Valets de Chambre." If this step has really been taken, it need not surprise any one if it is the prelude to the restoration of the Bourbons to the throne of France. Thanks to the vanity, the contemptible vanity of Napoleon, and the fickle disposition of the French people, for so unlooked for a change.

INVASION OF FRANCE.

"been able at once to corrupt and to army under Dumourier, it excited terror 6. oppress the French nation; now the and confusion through the camp. Every "sword is broken in their hands, let us one cried out he was betrayed; the army "not leave them the means of acquiring became disorganized; flight ensued, and new weapons to our own destruction, it was not till they had reached the gates "and that of civilised society."-TIMES of Paris, that the runaways were convincof 30th June, 1815. ed they were in safety. All the world knows how soon these same fugitives compelled the Prussians to fly before them. The battle of Jemappe, which decided the fate of Flanders in November 1792, was followed by a similar occurrence. After the Austrians fled to Mons, Dumourier seut two brigades to occupy the suburbs of that place. On their march, the advanced guard was seized with a panic, from a strange apprehension that the Austrians had undermined the ground over which they were marching. Terror and disorder ensued, which having communicated to the rest, the two brigades fell back upon the main army, by which the Austrians gained time to effect their retreat in safety. Shortly after this, however, we find the same troops that had discovered so il grounded a fear, driving the Austrians before them, and possessing themselves of Brussels.-Many other instances could be added of the same description; but these are sufficient to shew, that that sort of disaster, which led to the retreat of Napoleon, will not justify the opinion, now industriously propagated, that France has been subdued, and that the allied armies may proceed, without interruption, to Paris. In the discussions, which have taken place in the Senate and Legislative body, respecting the elevation of Napoleon's son to the Imperial dignity, the most decided hostility appeared against the family of the Bourbons. If, as it is said, the British army have marched into France with Louis XVIII. at their head, nothing more will be wanting to open the eyes of the French to the plans now forming to replace that unfortunate personage on the throne; no other stimulus will be necessary to rouse the nation, as it was roused in the early part of the revolution, to resist all attempts to impose a government so hostile to its feelings, and so much at variance with the true interests and glory of France.

MR. COBBETT.-Those who consider the late disaster of Napoleon a prelude to the submission of the French people to the yoke of the Bourbons, seem to forget the events, of a similar nature, which have occurred since the beginning of the revolation. During the first campaign in the Netherlands, the French General Biren was on the eve of attacking the Austrians at Mons, with an army already flushed with victory, and which made the air resound with shouts of " victory or death." In a moment it was seized with a panic; the whole was thrown into confusion; the Austrians commenced the attack; the republicans were forced to retreat with immense loss, and only escaped entire annihilation by a detachment, under General Rochambeau, coming to their relief. -Notwithstanding this disaster, it is well known that the French very soon after drove their assailants from the field. When General Dumourier was obliged to retreat before the Prussians, he sent orders to General Chazot, whom he had detached with about 10,000 men from the main body of his army, to join him. This division on its march fell in with 1500 Prussians, which they took for the advancedguard of Clairfayt's army. Disorder immediately pervaded the ranks; they threw down their arms and fled in all directions. Intelligence of this having reached the

But it will be said, that the near approach of the allies to Paris, precludes all idea of any resistance which the French people can offer, being successful. It is

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ARISTIDES.

very true, that the British and Prussian against France ever since she declared for armies are now considerably advanced independence. What sort of ideas of into France; but it is equally true, that freedom can this child form, under the the enemies of France possessed the same tutelage of a daughter of the House of advantages in 1792, and yet were obliged Austria?-Where are the hylacon days, to retreat. "The enemy is at the gates which Frenchmen had a right to look for of Paris. Verdun, which lies in his under a free representative government, way, cannot hold out longer than eight when such prospects as these seem to open days." This was the state of affairs at before them? The contemplation is that period," but the citizens who de- gloomy indeed. Still, I am free to ac"fend it (Verdun) have sworn that they knowledge, that I would rather prefer the "will perish rather than surrender it." | reign of Napoleon the IId, with all its They were faithful to their oaths, and disadvantages, to that of the Bourbons, the invaders were driven back.—The only The former has the semblance, at least, doubt remaining in my mind is, that the of being the choice of the nation. The people of France are not so ardent in latter has been twice expelled, and if he the cause of freedom as they were in is again restored, it must be by the sword, 1792. So much has been done to fami- a mode of erecting a government at all liarize them with royalty, to impress times hostile to the legitimate rights of the their minds with the importance of a people, and subversive of the true princonstitutional monarchy, and to fascinate ciples of liberty. them with the vain and gaudy trappings of au Imperial dynasty, that if they again revert to the reign of despotism and priestcraft, they will only have themselves to blame for the melancholy change. Napoleon has always possessed a great share of my esteem and respect. But I never could forget the violence he offered to liberty, when he seized upon the government, under the name of "First Consul." It was the first step towards extinguishing public spirit. What followed served only to benumb the faculties, and to prepare France for the re-establishment of that system, which it had cost her so many years of suffering to get rid of.Why did not Napoleon, at once, renounce the imperial diguity, and return to those principles which were the cause of his early good fortune, and which procured him more real and substantial glory than he ever derived from the imperial bauble? Had he done this, France would have been saved; had he resumed the endearing name and title of "General Bonaparte, Commander of the armies of the Republic," he would, indeed, have deserved well of his country; he would have drawn all parties around him. The very sound would have appalled the tyrants of the earth, and little more would have been necessary to ensure the triumph of liberty. But, no-he abdicates only in favour of his sop, whom he desires to be proclaimed by the regal title of Napoleon II!-Alas! this very son is a branch of that house which has taken the most decided part

BRITISH POLITICAL OBJECTS. MR.COBBETT.-The policy of the British government, as well with respect to its own domestic interests, as to those of foreign relations, should be to nurture, to extend, and to establish the cause of rational liberty. What has given to the British realms the transcendant authority, and the vast political resources they possess, but the popular and liberal institutions of the legislature by which they are governed. If reference be had to the best periods of the Assyrian, the Egyptian, the Grecian, and the Roman governments, it will be found that the high renown and distinction of these several states, arose from the liberty enjoyed by the people, by the recognition of inherent civic rights, and by the mutual confidence that subsisted between the governing and the governed. The moment that intrigue, and despotic artifice reared their baneful sceptre, and gained the ascendancy of public virtue, all the political advantages of those wise institutions were practically lost, and delapidation and ruin marked the fatal effects of such deplorable aberration from sound policy. "Evil communications corrupt good mannerrs," is a maxim that has the sanction of holy writ, and if it were not there recorded, it is incessantly proving in the individual and national intercourse of men. It is undoubtedly

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the policy and interest of governments simi- | political security of that country, be dimilarly constituted, to co-operate in each nished and endangered.. Where unreothers plans of procedure, and not to at- strained despotism exists, rational liberty tempt the solecism of reconciling in prac- can have no secure abode. Overtly or. tice what is radically and irreconciliably covertly, the machinations of tyranny are different in principle. Agreeably to this incessantly directed against popular free-, rule of policy, the British government dom, inasmuch as the one is totally inshould be anxious to conciliate the good compatible with the other. As liberty opinion, and prefer the alliance of kin- and tyranny, therefore, cannot co-exist, dred forms of legislature, if any such how is it that they can be associated in there are, and not for purposes of tempo- alliance for any vindicable object? Tyrary power, or for objects unworthy of an ranny never lends its aid to liberty, and independent nation, enter into any poli- liberty disdains to assist the cause of tical compacts with powers that have no- tyranny. All alliance, then, obtaining thing in them at all congenerous; nay, between such opposite systems, is not that found their schemes of authority, and less reprehensible in principle than, strength on principles of tyranny, at utter sooner or later, ruinous in practice. It variance with British liberty. Is it pos- is very natural and perhaps even comsible that any benefit can accrue to real mendable, agreeably to the existing sysBritish interests, by cultivating friendly tem, for Russia to seek the aid of alliance and confidental relations with States that from all the European states founded on a have not the slightest affinity with the similar scheme of government, but with constitutional liberty of Great Britain? what consistency can that, and other In what points of sound policy can nations, kindred states, ask co-operation from the governed by principles of liberty and British nation, knowing that their systems slavery, faithfully concur? If mutual sin- of government are so widely different? cerity exists in their engagements, must What is there in common between the they not make mutual sacrifices of their Russian and German governments, and respective systems for the benefit of these that of Great Britain. The two former engagements; and if that be the case, how are founded on the sole will of the peris the cause of liberty furthered by the sonal sovereign, excluding from all conalliance, and what practical benefit is sideration the political rights of the likely to result to the enslaved nation, who people; the latter constitutionally rests sees that professions of liberty are not so on a strict representative system, in unbending but they may be made to ac- which the people are acknowledged to cord with the habitual objects of avowed be every thing, and that without them despotism? The intercourse is unnatural there can be nothing. What interests, and necessarily tends mutually to vitiate legitimately or consistently associated, and injure the contracting parties, without can the government of Great Britain a chance of advancing the political virtue seek in conjunction with its present allies, of either. In this view of the hurtful dis-in waging hostilities against France.? The cordancy, that must arise in the alliance of governments essentially differing in political principles, and practice, is it not an anxious consideration for Britons to ascertain what possible good can result to the British nation, by pledging its blood and treasure for objects that might countenance and protect despotic governments, but cannot possibly benefit a liberal and popular system of legislation? In the exact proportion in which the despotic allies of Great Britain have their territorial possessions, and political powers encreased by any compact into which they may enter with the government of this country, must the real interests, and even

French have proclaimed, and are now seeking the establishment of national liberty and independence. These privileges have been bottomed on a representative system of government, comprehending, with but a few exceptions, the most important ad vantages of a free and an enlightened form of legislation. Its ground work is not dissimilar to that of the English Con stitution. Does not this circumstance, as well as its generic character of civil liberty, naturally assort it with British views, and should it not as naturally secure it British amity and protection? Is not the prosperity of French liberty favourable to all that is excellent in the con

stitutional charter of Great Britain; and
would not the destruction of the one en-
danger the safety of the other? Is it pos-
sible to suppose that the genuine spirit of
the British constitution can be embattled
against France, in opposition to her es-
tablish a similar form of government?
Were the British people truly represented
in Parliament, as prescribed by the con-
stitutional law of the land, would it be
possible to sanction a war against French
liberty and independence by legislative
provisions for its support? French li-
berty is only dangerous to despotic states;
its tendency should awaken no apprehen-
sion in the British government; it will be
more likely to justify and confirm the
constitutional excellencies of that govern-
menf, than at all to invade or undermine
them. Great Britain and America should
be earnest in their devotion to the ame-
liorated state of French government; they
should regard it as another important link
in the chain of power, that promises ulti-
mately to extend and establish the influ-
ence of political liberty over the habita-
ble world. The prejudices, habits, and
ignorance of national slavery must gra-
dually give way to an enlightening system
of education, before the example of legis-
lative liberty, constitutionally provided
for in England, America, and France,
can become as universal as it is necessary
to the wants and happiness of mankind.
A TRUE BRITON.

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Where are the respective authority and dependence existing, which would warrant the representative office of the House of Commons in saying, that the representative possesses a power to which the represented are so subjected that they cannot be either relieved, or discharged from its obligations, but by the sort of favour that may be shewn to humility of petitioning or praying. Does either the principle or practice of social liberty recognise a feelling so abject, so mendicating, as that which would rather crouchingly suppli cate, than sternly demand an unquestionable right? There cannot be two opinions with regard to the superior power of the represented to that of the representing; the former possesses the original and immutable right; the latter has only the exercise of its delegated authority, and to which it can have no moral claim longer than it be merited by a faithful and adequate execution of the duties imposed. The right of domineering and dictating cannot be vindicated by any provisions in the chartered liberties of the British realms, on the part of the representative towards the represented; and, of course, under no circumstances whatever, can the people be justly degraded to the low state of petitioning as a boon what they may demand as a right. All applications to Parliament may not be admissible; the propriety of them is justly subjected to the corrective wisdom of the House; yet, in as far as the objects of such applications were held to be warrantable, they are entitled to the most ample consideration; not because they are couched in servile language, but bestrance against either a al or supposed cause they are presented as a remonto the legislature, in the independent grievance. To talk of denying references tone of acknowledged complaint, and of

ON THE TERM PETITION. MR. COBBETT.-The admirable observations, recently made in his place in the House of Commons, by Sir Francis Burdett, in the memorable instance of presenting the Westminster Petition against the present war, are well adapted to en-prescribing to it the language of mendilighten the British people in the genuine city, to entitle it to any reception at all, political quality of a constitutional peti- is surely to invert the order of moral tion. It is quite clear, what, in the framing of that privilege, must have been de- the real source of power by rendering the authority; it is to obliterate and eclipse signed by it; but the choice of the term delegated every thing, and the delegating for claiming that right is not correctly nothing. The hackneyed forms of parsiguificant of its real import. To petition, liamentary petitions, the gradations of literally means, to pray, to supplicate, to favour assigned to them, in proportion as beg. How is this servile cringing attitude they attain or fall short of what is reof spirit consistent with the moral power garded as the standard measure of decoand freedom of requiring, of demanding, rous servility; and the unreserved flipof insisting, on an indefeasible right?pancy with which they are either, in the

first instance rejected, or, if received, finally everlooked and forgotten, are among the worst effects of a degenerated system of British representation. When the people know their true political rights, and dignities, and confer them only where they will be faithfully administered for their true benefit, it will then be understood that the style of communicating with the legislature will not be in terms so debased as to assume the character of

SPAIN, PORTUGAL, BAVARIA, WUR-
TEMBERG, &c. &c.; WITH AN ARMY
OF ONE MILLION AND ELEVEN THOU-
SAND REGULAR SOLDIERS, AGAINST
NAPOLEON AND FRANCE.

The following, as appears from the French official accounts, was the result of the battle of the 16th inst. to which

they have given the name of the "Battle

At half past nine o'clock we had 40 pieces of cannou, several carriages, colours, and prisoners, and the enemy sought safety in a precipitate re

we found ourselves masters of all the field of battle. General Lutzow, a partisan, was taken prisoner. The prisoners assure us, that Field-Marshal Blucher was wounded. The flower of the Prussian army was destroyed in this battle. Its loss could not be less than 15,000 men. Ours

either a petition, a prayer, or a supplication, but as a demand or remonstrance, of Ligny-Under-Fleureus.” according to the circumstances of redress or correction sought to be obtained. The word petition ought, therefore, to be expunged from the legislative vocabulary, it should have no meaning in national po-treat. At 10 o'clock the battle was finished, and litics. What may be justly required by a British people, should be constitutionably demanded, whether it be in the way of instruction, for the amelioration of the | State, or in that of remonstrance, for the correction of alledged abuses of delegated authority. The right of the British pub-was 3000 killed and wounded. On the left, lic to demand of the legislature redress Marshal Ney had marched on Quatre Bras with of wrongs, or to remonstrate with it a division, which cut in pieces au English diviagainst any affirmed inaccuracies of con- sion which was stationed there; but being atduct, cannot be denied. If either the tacked by the Prince of Orange with 25,000 demand or remembrance should be well men, partly English, partly Hanoverians in the founded, it will be entitled to the fullest pay of England, he retired upon his position at acquiescence on the part of the legisla-Frasnes, There a multiplicity of combats took ture; if it should be imaginary and er-place; the enemy obstinately endeavoured to roneous, it still deserves to be treated force it, but in vain. The Duke of Elchingen with all the respect due from the delegated waited for the 1st corps, which did not arrive to the delegating authority, and in no till night; he confined himself to maintaining his case to be contumaciously rejected as position. In a square, attacked by the 8th regiunworthy of notice. The right of the ment of curassiers, the colours of the 69th regipeople constitutionally, that is peacefully, ment of English infantry fell into our hands. to call on the Government to do justice The Duke of Brunswick was killed. The Prince to the public, when it may suppose itself of Orange has been wounded. We are assured unjustly treated, is one of the most vital that the enemy had many personages and Geneprivileges of the liberty of the land, and, rals of cote killed or wounded; we estimate the to be consistent with its own independ- loss of the English at from 4 or 5000 men; our's ence and dignity, should be always deon this side was very considerable, it amounts to clared in language of resolute firmness 4,200 killed or wounded. The combat ended and of determined authority. with the approach of night. Lord Wellington then evacuated Quatre Bras, and proceeded to Genappe. In the morning of the 17th, the Emperor repaired to Quatre Bras, whence he marched to attack the English army: he drove it to the entrance of the forest of Soignes with the left wing and the reserve. The right wing advanced by Sombref, in pursuit of Field-Marshal Blucher, who was going towards Wavre, where he wished to take a position, At 10 o'clock in

No. II.

CENSOR.

HISTORICAL NOTICES OF THE WAR OF
ENGLAND, AUSTRIA, RUSSIA, PRUSSIA,
DENMARK, SWEDEN, HOLLAND, SAR-
DINIA, THE POPE, NAPLES, SIXLCI,

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