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and, which we shall by-and-by find to
have been of greater veight than all the
rest put together, FIFTY MILLIONS
OF OUR MONEY, voted by the Ho-
nourable House. This is the key of ca-
‘binets; the powder, ball, swords, and
bayonets of armies. This it is that will
decide the fate of France now, as it did in
1814. In the times of the Republic, in-
deed, our millions had no effect. There
were many very cruel men in power, du-
fing those stormy times; but, those men
were sound . as towards their country.
There was little of moderation, to be sure;
but, there was a great deal of fidelity.
However, those times are passed. The
men, who have declincal to go back to
revolutionary measures, have now to make
their peace as they can ; or, rather, I take
it, to submit to their fate. They will
know, in all human probability, before
this day week, whether the pensioned
HURRE spoke truth, when he said, that
Kings had long memories as well as long
arms. Our TIMEs newspaper already has
marked out some hundreds for the gallows.
He is for “hanging them up at once.” And,
really, I think his advice very likely to be
followed. Blood, blood, is the cry on
every side; and, those in power, at Paris,
will now see what is the consequence of
doing things by halves, when they have to
deal with kings, nobles, and priests
They will now see what is to be gained by
their “ moderation?” They will soon
see, that power must be maintained, if at
all, by the same sort of means as those, by
which it has been acquired. Their fate and
that of Napoleon, whose name will always
be pronounced with admiration of his
warlike deeds, will be a warning to future
revolutionists how they place kings upon
their thrones, after having dethroned them.
I do not say, that it is to be regretted;
but, it has astonished every one to see the
Royal Family of France suffered to escape
so tranquilly, even after some of them
were taken in arms " Napoleon, will
soon find, that this was not the way to in-
sure the safety of his own person.
On what conditions Louis may be re-
stored, we cannot yet say ; but our news-
papers insist, that he ought to be compelled
to adopt such measures as the safety of
Europe, and particularly of England, may
demand. Whether these writers mean to
propose the drawing out of the fore-teeth
and the cutting off of the fingers and

thumb of the right hand of the male inhabitants of France, I know not. But, I think, we shall hear them propose the annihilation of the fleet of France ; the surrender of her frontier towns ; the abolition of all the new nobility; the disbanding of the whole of the army; the restoration of the papal territories in Provence ; the giving up of something to Spain; the reestablishment of the feudal rights and courts ; and, I shall be very much surprised if we do not hear it forcibly recommenced to Louis le Desirée to re-establish the monasteries and the tythes.

There will be some work to accomplish all this: yet, all this would not answer the end in view, unless the French pay a share of our NATIONAL DEBT, the annual interest of which will now be forty-three millions sterling; and, unless we could, b-sides, make them pay their share towards the support of our PA UPERS. Unless these can be accomplished, people will not live here to pay part of this debt, if they can avoid it by going to France. Their loyalty will not keep them at home to live meanly, while they can live in affluence by only crossing the channel. If France were a republic, less rich people would go, than will go, France being a monarchy. Our old malady will return with the Bourbons, to restore whom we have so loaded ourselves with debts, that many of our people wifl be compelled to go and live under them.

All is not over, therefore, when Louis is up again. By disabling France for war, we shall compel her to set about the arts of peace. We shall make France a country to live in ; a country that the arts of peace will seek. She will, do what we will, soon become our rival in manufactures. Commerce will revive with her very quickly. Amongst all the fighting nations she is, after all, the only one that is lightly taxed; and, I repeat, that, unless we can make her pay a share of the interest of the debt, contracted in the subduing of her, we shall, with all our successes and all our boastings, have only accelerated the destruction of our own system. In short, unless we can make France tributary to us, to the amount of 20 millions sterling a year, w shall live to mourn the triumphs, at whic" we now rejoice.

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the re-organization of his army, and for the replacing of its “Material,” (that is, in English, all the engines of war) which,

it appears, had been completely lost.— This Message was received with, at least, coldness; and Napoleon, seeing that the feeling of the Assemblies were against him, sent a Message, informing them, that he had abdicated in favour of his Son l—This Message excited very turbulent debates. The Republican body seemed to pause at his right to abdicate in favour of any one. Those of the Assemblies who were Bonapartists, argued, that there was no other way of exciting enthusiasm in the army; and a third party appeared to be tinctured with a sort of attachment to the Duke of Orleans ; at least, they were openly denounced as such by several Members. At last, however, a Council of Regency was established, consisting of the following persons: Count CAR Not, Fouche, (Duke of Otranto) General GRENIER, CAULAIN court (Duke of Vicenza) and Baron QUINETTE. On the 22d June, the debates were opened by the delivery of the Declaration of Napoleon, of which the following is a



FR ENchMEN 1–In commencing war for maintaining the national independence, I religd on

the union of all efforts, of all wills, and the concurrence of all national authorities. I had reason to hope for success, and I braved all the declarations of the Powers against me. Circumstances appear to me changed. I offer myself as a sacrifice to the hatred of the enemies of France. May they prove sincere in their declarations, and have really directed them only against my power! My political life is terminated, and I proclaim. my son under the title of Napoleon II. Emperor of the French. The present Ministers will provisionally form the Council of the Government. The interest which I take in my son induces me to invite the Chambers to form, without delay, the Regency by a law. Unite all for the public safety, in order to remain an independent nation. (Signed) NAPoleon.

The Duke of Otranto addressed the Assembly in a very energetic speech, in which he concluded by proposing that a council of five persons should be appointed, with instructions to them to treat with the Allies for the maintenance of the independence of the French nation.—M. DUPIN followed. He stated, that the first duty of the House was to accept the resignation of Napoleon.

After a very long and turbulent debate, the members already mentioned were elected to form the Provisional Government. On the following day, the 23d, M. Berenger moved, that the Provisional government should be declared collectively responsible. After considerable agitation and confusion, the sitting closed, with recognising the accession of Napoleon II. as Emperor of the French, and instructing the new Provisional government to communicate forth with with the Allies. The Debates in the House of Peers were nearly of the same kind, and had the same result.—Ney, the Prince of Moskwa, gave the following detail of the state of the armies.

Marshal Gronchy and the Duke of Dalmatia are not capable of assembling 60,000 men. It is impossible to assemble them on the line of the army of the north. Marshal Grouchy in particular has not been able to collect more than 7 or 8000 men. The Duke of Dalmatia was not able to rally any troops at Rocroy, and the only means you have of saving the country is to open a negociation. .

On this statement a long debate ensued, in which no sort of blame was attempted to be attributed !co way, directly or

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many years you hear a voice which the .

old friends of liberty may yet recognize, I feel myself called upon to speak to you of the dangers of the country which you

at present alone have the power of sav

ing. Sinister reports have been spread; they are unfortunately confirmed. This is the moment to rally round the old tricoloured standard, that of 89, that of liberty, equality, and public order; it is that alone which can protect us from fo– reign attacks and internal dissensions. Allow, Gentleman, a veteran in that sacred cause, who was ever an enemy to faction, to submit to you some resolu

tions, which I flatter myself you will feel

the necessity of adopting.”

Art. 1. The Chamber declares that the independance of the nation is menaced. 2. The Chamber declares its sittings permament. All attempts to dissolve it shall be considered high-treason; whoever shall render himself guilty of such an attempt shall be considered a traitor to his country, and condemned as such. 3. The Arnly of the Line, the National Guards, who have fought, and still fight, for the liberty, the independence, and the territory of France, have merited well of the country.

These resolutions were carried in both houses. On the 24th ; a letter was read in the House of Representatives, from Announcing, that proposals had been made to him by Laroche Jacquelin; for a suspension of arms, to c. able him to communicate to other Vendean chiefs “a proposition for pacifying the country.” Another letter was read

from General Lemarque, dated 22d June, in which he states, that he had “surprised “a large body of Wendeans, to the amount “of 18 or 20,000, near La Roche Ser“vieres, routed them, and killed and “wounded between 12 and 1,500 men.” The following decree was then proposed :

“Art. I. The Government is authorised to secure, by means of Requisition, the subsistence of the armies and the transport of troops.

“2. The Government will adopt such measures as to prevent and punish any abuses in the exercise of these requisitions.

(Signed) Le Duc d'Otr Anto, President."

On the 25th the Duke of Otranto communicated the following extract of the correspondence, received by the Minister of War during the 24th, relative to the operations of the armies:

| The spirit of the department of the Gers appears to 3. There shall be created in each of the Legis. lative Chambers a Committee, to which the complaints of individuals affected by the present law shall be addressed.

Marshal Grouchy writes from Recroi, that he has entered that place with 20,000 infantry, 5000 caralry, and a numerous artillery. The Duke of Dalmatia writes from Mezirres on the 19th June, that the enemy will be in three days before Laon ; that great disorders have taken place in the admimistration of the army; that there are a great number of fugitives, and that he is doing every thing in his power to repair the evil. A telegraphic Dispatch of the 22d June, announces that the army of the Moselle was attacked in the night, that the post of St. Jean has retired upon Forbach and St. Arold. Our army of the Alps has repulsed the enemy upon the bridge of La Grange, and taken 150 prisoners. Nuthing new in the army of the Eastern Pyrennees

be ameliorated. , After a long debate, the following laws were passed against Agitators, and after

wards received the sanction of the senate

and the Provisional government : Art. 1. Tie Commission of Government, in order to ensure public tranquillity, besides the m, a mes indicated by law, may order against those who shall be accused of provoking or favouring disturbances, displaying signs of rallying, or other colours than the National ones, spreading false and alarming news, either being placed under superintendance, in a place different from their place of residence, or arrest without being obliged to send them before a Court of Law in the period prescribed by the law. 2. The present disposition shall only be exe

cuted for two months, at which time the indi

viduals taken up or placed under superintendence shall be free, or sent, if necessary, before the Tribuuals.

A decree was issued by the Provisional overnment, requiring, that “ all the “young men of 1815 remaining of the “160,000 ordered to be levied on the 9th ‘‘ of October, 1813, shall be immediately “placed in active service;” and by an order of the Minister of War, all officers and soldiers belonging to the army of the north, them at Paris without leave of absence, “are required to depart within 24 “ hours, and proceed to Soissons, whence “ they will be directed to their respective “corps,” under pain of being “conveyed

“to the military prisons and their names

“delivered up to public censure.”—During this sitting, addresses were presented by the Parisian Federation, by the confederated pupils of the Schools of Law and Medicine, and from the pupils of the Lyceum Napoleon, declaring that they put themselves under the orders of the Assembly, for the defence of the country. Honorable mention of these was made in the minutes. The following address of the Parisian Federation, will give an idea of the whole :Gentlemen Represcntatives--The country was threatened : the Bretons, tile Lyonnois, the Burgundians, confederated to repel our aggressors.

Inspired by the same sentiments, the Parisians,

who in all times have given the example of pa... triotism, inlinediately rose, and independently of the federations of St. Antoine and St. Marceau, the capital saw the Parisian federation formed in its bosoni. While our armies were extended over our lines, and were preparing for battle, the Parisian federation zorganised and fortified itself, and erected in the midst of the capital a redoubt, which will bear its name, and which it has sworn to defend. Great events have just broken out: greater perhaps are in preparation. The representatives of the nation call to the defence of the country all Frenchmen capable of bearing arms. The Parisian federation has heard this appeal: the Parisian federation presents itself in a body. Its reckous among its members a great number of old soldiers of all ranks, artillerymen and young and robust citizens, who all burn with the desire of advancing on the threatened points, and of striking the enemies of our independence. The Confederates solicit arms, a military organization, and the honour of serving their country usefully,

whether on the troutiers, the heights, or in the .

42 o interior of the capital, in order to watch over the maintenance of order, which the disaffected would in vain endeavour to trouble. - The Pari. sian federation is animated with an unanimous wish : it knows no efforts beyond its zeal for the holy cause of liberty. Its dearest hope in making this solemn demand, is to be placed in advasce, to prove immediately by actions its devotedness and patriotism. The Members of the Confederation, CARR Ei, President. C1, ERY, Treasurer. Quin Et, Secretary-Gen.

Proclaxi.Ation BY the gover NMENT comiMISSION TO THE FR EN Cli People,

Paris, June 24. FRENchMEN,+Within the period of a few days glorious successes and a dreadful reverse have again agitated your destinies. A great sacrifice appeared necessary to your peace and to that of the world, and Napoleon abdicated the Imperial Power. His abdication forms the term of his political life. His son is proclaimed. Your new Constitution, which possesses as yet only good principles, is about to undergo its application, and even those principles are are to be purified and extended. There no longer exist powers jealous of other. The space is free to the enlightened patriotism of your Representatives, and the Peers feel, think, and vote as your mandatories. After twenty-five years of political tempests the moment has arrived when every thing wise and sublime that has been conceived respecting social institutions, may be perfected in yours. Let reason and genius speak, and from whatever side their voices may proceed they shall be heard. Plenipotentiaries have departed, in order to treat in the name of the nation, and to uégociate with the Powers of Europe that peace which they have promised on one condition, which is now fulfilled. The whole world will, like you, be attentive to their reply. Their answer will make known whether justice and piomises are any thing on earth. Frenchmen! be united; let all rally under circumstances of such great in portance. Let the civil discords be appeased; let dissention be silept at this moment in which the great interesis of nations are to be discussed. Be united from the North of France to the Pyrenees; from La Vendee to Marseilles. Who is he, who, born on the soil of France, whatever may be his party, whatever his political opinions, will not range himself under the National standard to defend the Independeuce of the Country? Armies may, in part, be destroyed; but the experience of all ages, and of all nations, proves that an intrepid nation, combatiug for justice aud liberty cannot be de

stroyed. The Emperor, in abdicating, has of. tered himself as a sacrifice. The Members of the Government devote themselves in accepting from Representatives the reius of the State.

(Signed) The Duke of OTRANTo, President.
T. Berlier, Secretary, &c.

Thus, according to the last accounts received, is situated the great empire of France. Napoleon has abdicated in favour of his son, who is the present sovereign, acknowledged as such by the representatives of the French nation. The Allied Powers declared solemnly, in the face of Europe and of the world, that their object in going to war, was to remove Bonaparte from power. He is removed from the throne, and is become a private citizen. What more do they want? They abjured all idea of interfering with the internal government of France. We shall see now whether they were sincere or not. For my part, I still think, as I have always thought, that it is a war not against this man, or that man, but against liberty and independence. The allies will shew at once by their conduct, whether this is the case. If it is, Louis will be again placed upon the throne. How long he will continue there, will remain yet to be seen. But, at all events, the scenes which have lately occurred, without the least popular commotion, and which appear likely to occur, form one of the most extraordinary instances of sudden change, from one

extreme to another, that has ever taken

place in the annals of the human race. If the French nation are sincere in their wish for liberty and independence, the allied armies, not even with the assistance of Lord Castlereagh, who is said to be on the point of again displaying his diplomatic talents in a new sphere, will be unable to conquer thirty millions of people, animated by a love of freedom, and a hatred of their former oppressors. Success against such a cause would be morally and physically impossible. If, however, the Bourbons are restored, and the dreadful work of slaughter, which our corrupt newspapers recommend, is indeed to be commenced on all the actors in the late scenes in France, humanity will have gained little by the cessation of war, the horrors of which will only have been transferred from the field of battle to the platform of the executioner. Let those who have been

accustomed to admire the sentiments of
indignation and florror professed by the
Times writer against the alledged cruelties
of the Jacobins, read the following extract
from that paper, of Friday, and then ask
themselves, who are the most deserving of
the epithets of wretches, savages, and
murderers? “A weak and timid wish to
“ spare the effusion of blood at Fontaine-
“ bleau has caused the effusion of ten
“ times as much blood at Ligny and Wa-
“terloo. A visionary hope of conciliat-
“ing the ferocious soldiery and unprinci-
“ pled Jacobins of Paris has afforded them
“ the means of concerting a treason the
“ most disgraceful to the age. Let us at
“least profit by this sad experience. Let
“us turn the unparalleled valour of Wa-
“terloo to a beneficial account. To think
“ of reforming a CARNot, or a CAULAIN-
“court, is the height of folly : to ima-
“gine that we can tame the ferocity of
“ Box Aparte's savages of the Imperial
“Guard is no less absurd. Every indi-
“vidual that has taken an active part in
this perfidious and atrocious rebellion,
must be brought under the due coercion
of the late. Not to make some exam-
“ples of severity among such a horde of
“criminals would be to condemn the vir-
“tuous to a certainty of renewed and
“cruel persecution. To compound with
“ the traitors would be a death-blow to
“ loyalty. We are happy to believe that
“ the King of FRANCE has adopted a firm

“ and decisive line of conduct. The weak. ..

“ and temporising councils by which he
“ was induced to load the ungrateful with
“honours, and to exempt the guilty from .
“punishment, have, at length, lost their
“weight and influence. The KING, in
“re-entering France has acted from the
“energy of his own mind, , and that
“energy will teach him that it is as much
“his duty to protect and encourage the
“ loyal, as it is to coerce and punish the
“seditious. We earnestly hope he will be.
“ supported in a just and discriminating
“firmness by all the Allies. We hope
“ that no Sovereign will interpose between ...
“him and the leaders of the Rebellion, to
“ screen the latter from the punishment
“they so richly merit. Let not a band of
“murderers escape, because they have
“the audacity to style themselves a Com-,
“mittee of Government. Hitherto these

“wretches and their accomplices have


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