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M. DE GUEvel.-The last speaker is mistaken in point of fact. The form of the oath introduced in the decree of the 3d of June, is literally conformable with the dispositions of the Senatus Consulte of the 24th Floreal, year 11. The article prescribes the following form, “I swear oi.edience to the Constitutions of the Empire, and fidelity to the Emperor.” The proposed reservation would be unconstitutional. The additional act has been accepted by the French people; it is sanctioned by the Assembly at the Champ de Mai: let us prove to the nation that we are disposed to support that act with all our efforts. I demand the order of the day.—(Numerous applauses.) M. Roy (of Paris)—“ I vote likewise for the order of the day; but I must frankly confess that if the question was to discuss the form of the oath, I would rather that there should be added to it a promise of fidelity to the nation, for the first duty of the Representatives of the nation is obedience to their orders. On the other hand, this legislative power is not now conttituted as it was in the year 12; I see no analogy—the Senate, the Tribunate, the Legislative Body, no longer exists.-(Violent murmers.) M. DuMoH.ARD called out loudly to be heard. o M. Bedoc was for the order of the day, observing, that nothing could hinder the two Chambers from employing themselves, in more tranquil times, in ameliorating the Constitution. M., DUMoI, ARD–God forbid that in the National Tribune I should suppose any thing contrary to the rights and interests of the nation. The nation is above every thing with me. The Emperor exists for a d by the nation. If it were necessary to choose between one and the other, my choice is not doubtful. In the present circumstances the nation must be saved with and through the Emperor great enthusiasm in the assembly). Let us recollect that the enemy is on the frontiers, let us recollect the intrigues of England—the first duty of France is to repulse the enemy (Applause). We wish to march only with our invincible armies —we do not wish to isolate ourselves from them. When the insidious proclamations of Louis XVIII. attack the honour of the soldiers, and depict them as rebels—when it is attempted to separate
for the Order of the Day, and adhere to the General's proposal. M. Boul.AY DE LA MEURTHE—With respect to the oath of fidelity to the Emperor, certainly I take it most willingly, and I think in doing it I do an act eminently French—for the Emperor is in my eyes the first Representative of the nation, the legitimate and established head of the State, the first tie of the Union. Hence, when I swear to be faithful to him, I think I swear to be so to the nation itself. We must here speak freely, and tell the truth. There exist in France two parties—one which is national comprises the great mass of the people, stipulates for her independence, honour, and real interest—the other may be called the faction of the foreigner —Yes, Gentlemen, there exist Frenchmen vile enough to call in the English, Russians, Prussians, &c. The Bourbons are the heads of that faction; it is they,
who, by help of foreign bayonets, would
the presence of the nation, I declare, I will take with pleasure the oath of obedience to the Constitution of the Empire, and of fidelity to the Emperor? (General cries of “To the votes to the vote!”) M. Gouklac—The Member has spoken of the efforts of the foreigners to divide us; it might have been added, that in - La Vendee the enemies of the interior employ all means to subdue the men of the revolution. I am for the oath (Fresh calls of “To the vote 1 to the vote") The President consults the Chamber, and the proposal for the oath is unanimously carried. M. Gen. CARNot—I move, that to add to the glory and to the enthusiasm of our armies, the Chamber decree that they deserved well of their country. They have avoided the shedding of blood, and their moderation has equalled their courage. M. DUCHESNE—We are all of the same mind respecting the army. It has given proofs, and its glory is established. But in the present circumstance we ought to say only that we expect every thing from its courage. Since it has not yet been able to signalize itself afresh, I do not think that (marked and general disapprobation.) M. REGNAULT DE St. JEAN ANGELY— With all our attachment to the army, I must say that the declaration demanded Toy General Carnot, cannot emanate from a single branch of the Legislature. We are not definitively constituted; hence we have not even the legal character necessary to make it the object of a simple resolution. But if you cannot alone give this honourable testimony to your sons, to mine who forms part of that formidable barrier to foreign invasion, to those brave National Guards, raised on all sides, and in a number which it is not yet time to disclose to our enemies, it is to the whole nation to pay that sacred debt. I move, that acknowledging all the justice of our Colleague's proposal, the decision be adjourned till after the union of the three powers. The adjournment was pronounced. - PARIs, JUNE 8.—Yesterday, at four o'clock, his Majesty the Emperor went in state to the Palace of Representatives, to open the Session of the Legislature. The Peers went with an escort of honour to the Palace of Representatives, and took their seats to the right of the throne ; the
Representatives took the benches in the centre. There was a bench for the Ministers and Council of State. His Majesty was received at the foot of the steps by the President and twenty-five Members of the Representative body. His Majesty stopt in the hall and received the President and Vice-Presidents, who were severally presented to him. He then entered the Assembly amidst the unanimous acclamations of all present, who received him standing. Having taken his place on the throne, surrounded by the Princes, Grand Dignitaries, Ministers, and Grand Eagles of the Legion of Honour, &c.: the Master
of the Ceremonies received his Majesty's
order to invite the Peers and Representatives to sit down. The President of the Representatives took his seat in a chair in the centre of the hall, having two ushers. behind him. The names of the Peers were then called over, and each took the oath. A Secretary having called the name . of the first alphabetically, pronounced the form of the oath.--—“ I swear obedience to the Constitutions of the Empire, and fidelity to the Emperor.” The Peer, standing up and lifting up his hand, said, “I swear it.” In like manner the Chamber of Representatives was called over alphabetically, and took the oath each, in the same terms. The appeal being thus gone through, the Emperor uncovered for a moment, then having re-covered his head he delivered the following speech : Messieurs of the Chamber of Peers and Messicors of the Chambar of Representatives—For the last three months existing circumstances and the coilsidence of the nation have invested me with andi. mited authority. The present day will behold the fulfilment of the wish dearest to my heart. I now commence a Constitutional Monarchy.— Mortals are too weak to insure future events; it is solely the legal institutions which determine the destinies of nations. Monarchy is necessary to France, to guarantee the liberty, the independence, and the rights of the people—Our Constitution and laws are scattered; one of our most important occupations will be to collect them into a solid body, and to bring the whole within the reach of every mind. This work will recommend the present age to the gratitude of future generations. It is my wish that France should enjoy all possible liberty. I say possible, because
place my confidence, without reserve, in your patriotism, your wisdom, and your attachment to my person. The Liberty of the Press is inherent in our present Constitution; nor can any change be made in it, without, altering our whole political system; but it must be subject to legal restrictions, more especially in the present state of the nation. I therefore recommend this important matter to your serious consideration. My ministers will inform you of the situation of our affairs. The finances would be in a satisfactory state, except from the increase of expence which the present circumstances, renders necessary; yet we might face every thing, if the receipts contained in the budget were all realizable within the year. It is to the means of arriving at this result that my minister of finance will direct your attention. It is possible that the first duty of a Prince may soon call me to the head of the sons of the nation, to fight for the country—the army and myself will do our duty-You, Peers and Representatives, give to the nation an example of confi. dence, energy, and patriotism; and, like the senate of the great people of antiquity, swear to
Pointed and Published by G. Houston, No. 192,
die rather than survive the dishonour and degradation of France. The sacred cause of the condtry shall triumph!
This discourse was followed by cries of Vive l'Empereur ! Vive l'Imperatrice Vice la Famille Imperiale! Vive la Patrie! Vice la Nation 1—The same acclamations, the same transports, followed his Majesty when passing through the crowd of Deputies, as he left the hall. The President re-conducted the Emperor at the head of the Beputation.
.ON THE THREATEN’d INvASIon of FRANCE
Anno Domini 1815. Oft did NApoleon offer PEAce, And, when refus'd, for WAR prepare, Which serv'd his glory to increase, And left his foes disgrace to share;
Again such offer he has made
Swearing they'll once more FRANCE invade
Thus, among nations, FRANCE alone
Let then his foes retract in time
Lest they are punish'd for their crime,
ALFRED N. Temple, June 12th, 1815.
Strand; where all Communications addressed
to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.
Vol. XXVII. No. 25.]
LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 24, 1815. [Price is.
769] . . . .
LETTER v. To Lord CAstleREAgh.
On the late WestMINster Meeting, and on the Declarations of MR. Hunt with regard to the conduct of the EMPERon NApol EoN, as far as relates to the Death of the Duke of Enghi EN and CAPTAIN WRIGHT. My Lord, The public prints inform us, that, at the Meeting of the City of Westminster, held on the 15th instant, to consider of another petition to the House of Commons, their former petition against the French war having been refused to be received by that honourable body; at this Meeting, we are told, that your Lordship was present, in your capacity of course, of a citizen of Westminster. I was sorry to perceive, that your Lordship was not well received by your fellow citizens, who, it is stated in the Times newspaper, attacked you, and compelled you to seek safety in the speed-of your horse. It is also added, that it was found to be necessary to send a detachment of HORSE SOLDIERS to guard YOUR HOUSE during the succeeding night. I notice these facts, my Lord, merely to have occasion to observe to you, that, if we were to hear of Mons. CAMBAcEREs, or Mons. CARNot, being thus treated by their fellow citizens, I am quite sure that this same TIMEs newspaper would cite it as a certain proof of the speedily approaching downfall of the French Government: yes, this corrupt print would not fail to cite it as a complete proof of those Ministers, as well as their Master, being held in universal horror and execration. As to the Meeting itself, I am very happy to see, and so must every friend of freedom, that there is one City, at any rate, who have had the sense and the resolution to exercise their rights once more. The laws which were passed, during the first French war, to prevent the people from meeting without the consent of the King's Justiccs or Sheriffs, have ex
pired long ago. Yet, such is the effect of habit, especially the habit of submission, that the people have continued to act ever since, as if the penal laws about Meetings were still in existence! The City of Westminster, with SIR FRANcis BURDETT at their head, have set an example of spirit sufficient to overcome this habitual submissiveness, and that example will, I dare say, now be followed by other places. The people of Nottingham were, the other day, deterred from holding a public meeting to petition against the war. Indeed, they appear to have been threatened. They now see, that no one had a right, that no one had a legal authority, to prevent them from meeting ; and, another time, * it is to be hoped, that they will remember this. The “ SEDITION BILLS” may, indeed, be revived; but, then, we shall have liberty to talk about the revival; shall we not, my Lord And the world, especially the French and Americans, will hear what we say, will they not, my Lord? But, the matter which attracted my
attention the most forcibly, in the speeches
of this Meeting, was, that which was brought forward by Mr. HUNT, with regard to the conduct of the Emperor Napoleon, as far as relates to the death of the Duke of Enghien and of Captain Wright. The Couri ER newspaper abuses Mr. HUNT for what he said, or is reported to have said, upon this occasion. It says, that that gentleman undertook to justify Napoleon in his murders of the Duke of Enghien and of Capt. Wright. But, it appears, from the report itself, that Mr. HUNT, so far from justifying murders perpetrated by Napoleon, denied that Napoleon had, in the alledged cases, committed any murder at all. The reason why Mr. Hunt made this denial was very good. He had perceived, that the vile London presss had succeeded in making the people, or a great part of them, believe, that Napoleon had been guilty of these murders. This done ; hatred and abhorrence thus ex. cited against him, it required less trouble to reconcile them to the present war,
which is, in this manner, on the part of the deluded people, a war of passion, in which, of course, reason, justice, policy, and even self, bare self-interest, are suffered to have nothing to say. Mr. HUNT, as was his DUTY, his strict duty, having the opportunity, endeavoured to shew that this hatred of Napoleon was founded in falshood; and, though it may surprise your Lordship, I realiy think that Mr. Hunt was perfectly right in his efforts, if he was convinced of the correctness of what he stated. . The great point, however is, was Mr. Huntriguinii, sixt:MENT, or was he wrong 2 Precisely what his statement was we cannot collect from the report of his speech, published in the corrupt TIMEs and Couki ER newspapers. But if what they say be true, Mr. HUNT said, in substance this : “that the Duke of Enghien was “shot in consequence of a court-martial “regularly convened, and agreeably to “ law, he being charged with traitorous “ proceedings against his country, and “with plotting against the life of Bona“ parte by the means of assassination; “ and that, as to Capt. Wright, he was “charged with having landed Georges, “Pichegru and others, on the coast of “ France, from Englaud; and these men “having been convicted of a plot to assas“sinate Bonaparte, he, Capt. Wright, “ was not regarded, by the French, as a “prisoner of war, but as guilty of a crime “against the laws of war; and that, be“ing confined in prison, and, as he natu“ rally thought, liable to be put to an ig“nominous death, he put an end to his “own existence.” This, my Lord, appears to have been in substance, the statement of Mr. Hunt; and, I am sure, that your Lordship, who was present at the Meeting, would have contradicted this statement, if you had not known it to be TRUE. At any rate, true it is, unless all the official papers, published at the time, in the face of all Europe, can be proved to be false, which they never have yet been, as far, at any rate, as my observation has gone. And here, my Lord, I wish to be very precise; . I say, that authentic, public papers, pubHished by the French government, attest the truth of Mr. Hunt's statement; and, I say, that I have never seen any paper, published by our, or any other government, disproving, or even contradicting,
the assertions of the French government upon either of the two principal points; and, I allow, that I have had fair oppor-tunities of seeing all that ever was published on the subject. Therefore, if there ever was any authentic document, disproving or contradicting the allegations of the French government upon the points in question, I allow, that I may be fairly suspected of publishing a wilful falsehood at this moment. But, my Lord, we will not let this matter go off thus. Since the busy slaves of the TIMEs and Couri ER will keep ringing in our ears the charge of murder against Napoleon; since they will insist upon our waging a war of passion, grounded upon this charge; since, if events should, as in the case of America, compel you to make peace with this prescribed Chief, and to acknowledge the legitimate title of him, who is now doomed at every breath, to everlasting outlawry ; since, in such case, you and your worthy colleagues might be greatly embarrassed by the charge of murder still resting on the head of him, with whom you would thus be compelled to treat : since, in short, wisdom and truth demand a recurrence to the real facts, I am resolved to recur to them, and to enable my readers to judge between Napoleon and the vile slaves, whe have the audacity to charge him with murder, in order to delude and inflame the people of England. The death of the Duke of Enghieu took place in the month of March, 1803. He was tried by a special military commission, at Vincennes. The President of the Court-martial was General HULEN. The charges against him were:—1. Having carried arms against the French Republic. 2. Having offered his services to the English government, the enemy of the French people. 3. Having received, and having, with accredited agents of that government, procured means of obtaining intelligence in France, and con
spiring against the internal and external
security of the State. 4. Being at the head of a body of French and other emigrants, paid by England and formed on the frontiers of France, in the districts of Fribourg and Baden. 5. Having attempted to foment intrigues at Strasbourg, with a view of producing a rising in the
adjacent departments, for the purpose of