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country and of this throne ! You swear that it shall always be your rallying sign You swear it ! Cries, universally prolonged, of We swear, resounded throughout the Assembly. Amidst these acclamations, and surrounded by the Eagles of all the armed corps of France, the Emperor proceeded to place himself on the throne erected in the middle of the Champ de Mars, where, as Colonel of the National Guard of Paris, and of the Imperial Guard, he presented Eagles to the Presidents of the departments, and the six arrondissements, and to the Chiefs of his Guard.—Count Chapital, President of the Electoral Colleges of Paris, and Lieutenant-General Durosnel, carried the Eagle of the National Guard; and Lieutenent-General Count Friant that of the Imperial Guard. The troops marched in battalion and squadron, and surrouded the throne, with looker. in the first line. The Emperor SaldSoldiers of the National Guard of Paris, Soldiers of the Imperial Guard, I entrust to you the Imperial Eagle, with the National Colours. You swear to die, if necessary, in its defence, against the enemies of the country and the throne. [Here all who were within hearing interrupted the Emperor with cries of We swear.] You swear never to acknowledge any other rallying sign. [Now cries of We swear.] You, soldiers of the National Guard, you swear never to permit foreigners again to stain the capital of the Great Nation. To your courage I shall entrust it. [Cries of We swear ! a thousand times repeated]—And you, soldiers of the Imperial Guard, you swear to surpass yourselves in the campaign which is about to open, and to die rather than per
mit foreigners to dictate laws to your ||
impious league, will fail to separate the interests of a great people from that hero of whom the most brilliant triumphs have gained the admiration of the universe. It is at the moment when the national will displays itself, with so much energy, that cries of war are heard. It is at the moment when the national will displays itself with so much energy that cries of war are heard. It is at the moment when France is at peace with all the world, that Foreign armies move towards our frontiers. What are the hopes of this new Coalition ? Does it wish to sweep France away from her rank amongst nations 2 Does it intend to enslave 28 millions of Frenchmen : , Has it forgotten that the first league formed against our independence only served to aggrandize us in power and in glory. A hundred splendid victories, which momentary reverses and unfortunate circumstances have not effaced, must remind that Coalition, that a free people guided by a great man, is invincible. Every man in France is a Soldier when national honour and liberty are at stake; a common intercst now unites all
Frenchmen. The engagements which viole” had extorted from us are destroyed, by the flight of the Bourbons from our territories, by the "P" peal which they have made to foreign armies to replace them on the Throne which they have abandoned, and by the will of the nation, who, whilst resuming the free exercise of her rights, has solemnly disavowed all that had been done without her participation. Frenchmen will not re. ceive laws from strangers; even those traitors who are gone to solicit amongst foreigners a patricidal assistance, will soon know and experience as well as their predecessors, that contempt and infamy follow their steps, and that they can only wipe off the opprobrium with which they cover them. selves, by re-entering our ranks. But a new career of glory opens itself to the army; history will consecrate the remembrance of the military deeds which will illustrate the defenders of the country, and the national honour. Our enemies are numerous, we are told ; why should we care "The struggle on the eve of commencing, is neither
their defeat will be the more glorious.
above the genius of Napoleon, nor above our strength.--Do we not see all our departments rivaling each other in enthusiasm and devotion, form, as through the power of magic, five hundred superb battalions of National Guards, who are already come to double our ranks, defend our fortresses, and associate themselves to the glory of the army? It is the impulse of a generous people, which no Power can conquer, and which posterity will admire. To arms . The signal will soon be given: let every one be at his post. Our
victorious phalanxes will derive fresh glory foom
the numbers of our enemies. Soldiers, Napoleo guides our steps; we fight for the independent
of our fine country : we are invincible.
The Marshal of Empire,
Paris, June 1, 1815.
THE CHAMP DE MAI.
Hear a powerful nation's voice
From whom they have deriv'd their fame.
Hear the gallic warriors swear,
Like glory round their Emp'ror shine.
with rapture hear them all declare
Again, on their free soil to tread.
The Mountain Nymph, sweet LIBERTY,
Her signals, and her footsteps trace.
Oh glorious Nation how I sigh,
Much rather in your ranks I’d die • ,
Epsom Church Yard, June 7th 1815.
Priated and Published by G. HoustoN, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed - to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. * *
voxxvii. No. 24.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 17, 1815. [Price 1s.
737}, To LoRD GRENVILLE,
On the Constitutions of England, America, and France.
My Lord–Im the published report of your speech of the 24th of last month, on the subject of the war against France, we read the following passage: “As to “new constitutions, he (Lord G.) was firm“ly of opinion, that a good constitution, “could only be formed by the adoption “ of remedies, from time to time, under “the circumstances which required them. “The only instance of exception men“tioned was that of America; but, that “ did not apply. The founders of that “constitution acted with great wisdom. “It was framed so as to produce as little “change as possible in the existing laws “ and manners under the altered form of “government, which, though a Republic, “ was constructed as nearly as the differ. “ence would admit, on the MONARCH“ICAL form of OUR OWN CONSTI*4 TUTION.”
This passage, my Lord, owing, I dare say, to the want of accuracy in the Reporter, is not so clear, or so correct, as one might have wished; but, its meaning evidently is, that constitutions of government cannot be well formed all at once; that the American constitution of government bears a very near resemblance to our own; and (taking in the context), that the constitution of government now adopting, or settling, in France, is a bad constitution, or system. o
As to the first of these propositions: that a constitution cannot be well made all at once, it is of little consequence as to the object which I have in view; for, the French have been more than 25 years forming their constitution; and, however mortifying it may be to some people, the daws of France, even while the Bourbons were on the throne, last year, were, for the far greater part, laws passed by the different National Assemblies, or, as some would call them, the jacobins. It is a very great mistake to suppose, that Napo
persons abusing, or ridiculing, the French .
constitution, and, in almost the same breath, saying, that it is no more than what the people had under Louis XVIII. This looks a little like insincerity. It is, however, the alledged resemblance between the English and American governments which is the most interesting object of examination at present; though it will, before I conclude, be necessary, to see a little what resemblance that of France bears to each of the former governments. I take your Lordship to mean, of course, that there is a very near resemblance between the English and American governments as they really are in operation. Not as they are to be found in books written about constitutions. What Montesquieu and De L'homme and Blackstone and Paley and a long list of grave political romance writers have published upon the subject, we will leave wholly out of the question. Your Lordship was talking, and so will I talk, of things AS THEY ARE, and not as they ought to be; or as they are, from parrot-like habit, said to be. And, here, my Lord, I beg leave, once for all, to state, that I am offering no opinions of my own upon this subject. Your Lordship, according to the published report, says, that there is a near resemblance between the English and American governments. This fact I deny; but, that is all. I do not say that the American government is better than ours; nor do I say, that it is worse. I only say, that it does not resemble ours. Which is the best and which is the worst I leave to the decision of the reader, in whatever country he may live.
But, before I enter on my proofs of the negative of this your Lordships proposition, permit that I observe, for a moment, on the desire, which is so often discovered in this country, to induce other nations to adopt governments like our own. No sooner do we hear of a change of government in any country, than we begin urging the people of such country to adopt a government like ours. The newspaper people, the Walters and Perrys and the like are everlasting telling the French, that they ought to come as nearly as possible to our admirable mired government. Those cunning loons, the Edinburgh Reviewers, chaunt the same litinies in every succeeding number. They despair of the French, because they reject our excellent model of government; and they predict, that the American system cannot endure long, because it has none of those bodies of Nobles, or large proprietors, who are the best guardians of the peoples rights, standing as the latter do between the people and the Prince : This was their talk, indeed, before your Lordship and other great Noblemen joined the Ministers, in support of the war. What these place-hunting critics will say now is a great deal more than Ham able to guess. Thus, too, it was that Burke ranted and raved. The French, according to him, ought to have been half put to death, because they despised the “ admirable” mixed government of England. How he ran on, what bombastical balderdash he published upon this subject, your Lordship knows as well as F ; and you, doubtless, remember, that, when answered by Paine, instead of attempting to reply, he pointed out the work of his antagonist to be replied to by the Attorney General Now, my Lord, what can be the real cause of all this anxiety to get other nations to adopt our own sort of government? It is not the usual practice of the world to be so eager to induce 6thers to share in one's happiness. If a man, by any accident, finds a parcel of money in a field, or a wood, does he run away to bring his neighbours, or even his cousins, or brothers, to enter into a search with him : Bid we ever hear of a tradesman, who had a set of good customers, endeavour to introduce per$ons of the same trade to them 2 Did ever handsome woman try to make any other woman look as handsome as hersel
even though that other were her sister: nay, her daughter: If an individual make a valuable discovery, so far is he from communicating it to the world, that he, if he can, obtains a patent for it, and thereby the right of punishing whoever attempts even to imitate his wares. What, then, can be the cause of our anxiety to make other nations partakers in the blessings of our government? We take special care to keep from them all we can in the way of commerce. We have a law for the encouragement of our own navigation to the discouragement of that of all other countries. We have laws to prevent the carrying to other countries machines to facilitate the making of manufactures. We have laws to prohibit the carrying of the produce of our colonies to other countries, until it has been brought here. We have laws to prevent the exportation of live sheep lest other countries should get our breeds. We have laws to punish artizans and manufacturers, who attempt to leave this country, and also to punish the masters of the vessels in which they are attempting to escape; the avowed object of which laws is to prevent other countries from arriving at our state of perfection in mannfactures and arts. How is it, then, my Lord, that we are so generous, as to our political possessions? Generous, did I say? Nay, obtrusive and impertinent. We are not only tendering them with both hands at once; but, we really thrust them upon the world; and, if any nation be so resolutely delicate as to refuse to receive them, let that nation look to itself! “Will you “give me a penny ?” said Dilworth’s Beggar to the Priest. “ No.” “ Will “you, for the love of Christ, give me a “halfpenny, then, to keep me from starv“ing * No.” “Will you, then, give “me one farthing?” “ No.” “Pray, “ then since I must die with hunger, give “me your blessing, Reverend Father.” “Kneel down, my dear son, and receive “ it.” “No,” said the Beggar, “for if “it were worth but one single farthing “you would not give it me; so you may “e'en keep your blessing to yourself.” But, we greatly surpass the Priest; for while we withhold commerce, navigation, manufactures, arts, artizans, manufacturers, breed of animals, &c. &c. we not only offer our blessing, but we abusc
lo. who reject it; and, there are those amongst us who scruple not to say, that,
the nation, which has the insolence to refuse to share in our political happiness, ought to feel the force of our arms. To what, then, shall I fairly ascribe this desire to induce other nations to adopt our sort of government? It is notorious, that men seek for companions in misery and disgrace. Never was there a bankrupt who did not wish to make his appearance in a copious Gazette. The coward looks bold when he has fled amongst a crowd. The country girls, who anticipate the connubial tie, always observe, and very truly, that they are not the first and shall not be the last. It is said, that persons, infected with the plague, feel a pleasure in communicating it to others. To ascribe to a motive like any of these, our desire to
extend our sort of government to other'
nations would be shocking indeed. Yet, lest we should expose ourselves to the imputation, I think it would be best for us to be silent upon the subject; or, at least, where nations decline to adopt our system, to refrain from expressing any resentment against them on that account.
John Bull's may be the best government in the whole world; it may be very laudable in him, very disinterested, very humane, extraordinarily generous; to urge other nations to partake in his blessings. He may lament the blindness, or the obstimacy, or the perverseness, of the nations, who refuse to accept of his offer. But, why should he be angry with them.” Why should he be in a rage with them? Why should he quarrel with them on that account? We will now, if your Lordship pleases, come to the resemblance between the English and the American Governments. They are both called governments, to be sure; and so are kites and pheasants called birds; but, assuredly, though I pretend not to say which is the best, or which is the worst, they resemble each other no more than do these two descriptions of the feathered race. To substantiate this assertion, I shall take the material points, in the two cases, and state them in opposite columns, that the contrast may, at once, strike every eye.
- ENGLISH GOVERNMENT. A KING, having the sovereign power settled on his family by hereditary descent.—His heir may be an old man or woman, a boy or a girl. The King's Civil List amounts to more than four millions of Dollars annually, or 1.000,000 of pounds sterling, besides the allowances to the Royal Children, Queen. &c. &c. amounting to nearly £400,000 more. The King, without the consent of any port of the Legislature, makes treaties, and even treaties of subsidy, agreeing to pay money to foreign powers. He appoints ambassadors, public ministers, consuls, judges, and all other officers whatever.
The King can do no wrong. His person is sacred and inviolable.
The King can declare war, and make peace, without any body’s consent.
of the Senators concur.
is to preside.
AMERICAN GOVERNMENT. The Chief Magistrate is a PREST DENT, freely elected by the People every four years, and he must be 35 years . of age. . The President receives a compensation for his services, which cannot be augment
ed during his presidency; and this com
pensat, h is 25,000 dollars, or 6,000
this. It is done by the Cowgress; and