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tired fortune, armed all Furope against him, and exhausted all the means of France, was forced to abandon his projects, and abdicated power to save some relics of existence ; who, at the moment when the nations of Europe were giving themselves up to the hope of a durable tranquillity, meditated new catastrophes, and by a double perfidy. tow ords the powers who had too generously spared him, and towards a government which we could not attack without the blackest treason, usurped a throne which he had renounced, and which he never occupied except for the misery of France and the world. This man has no other guarantee to propose to Europe than his word. After the cruel experience of 15 years, who would have the courage to accept this guarantee? and if the French nation has really embraced his cause, who could any longer respect the security which it could offer? Peace with a government placed in such hands, and composed of such elements, would ouly prove a perpetual state of uncertainty, anxiety, and danger. No power could really disarm : nations would not only enjoy any of the advantages of a true pacification; they would be crushed by charges of all kinds; as confidence would no where revive, industry and commerce would every where languisli ; there would be no stability in political relations; gloomy discontent would sit brooding on every country, and at a day's notice, alarmed Europe would expect fresh explosions. The Sovereigns have certainly not mistaken the interests of their subjects, when they have thought that open war, with all its incouveniences, and all its sacrifices, preferable to such a state; and the measures which they have adopted, have met with general approbation.--The opinion of Europe on this great oceasion is pronounced in a manner very positive and

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Europe than even the wars with which it was tor. rolented. It was thus that he took possession of Piedmont, Parma, Genoa, Lucca, or the States of Rome, of Holland, of the countries composing the 32d Military Pivision. It was thus at a period cf peace (at least with all the continent), that he struck the first blow against Portugal and Spain, and he thought to have finished the conquest of those countries by cunning and audacity, when the patriotism and energy of the people of the Peninsula drew him into a sanguinary war, the commencement of his own downfall, and of the salvation of Europe.

none of the sophistries by which it is pretended to be attacked can at all affect it :--2. That these reasons remain in all their force, and that the changes which have in fact occurred since the Declaration of the 13th of March, have produced no alteration in the position of Bonaparte and of France with regard to the Allies –3. That the offer to ratify the Treaty of Paris cannot on any account alter the disposition of the Allies.— Therefore, the Committee is of opinion that it would be useless to publish a fresh declaration. The Plenipotentiaries of the Powers who signed the Treaty of Paris, and who as such are responsible for its execution with regard to the acceding Powers, having taken into cousideration, and sanctioned by their approbation the preceding report, have resolved, that there shall be made to the Plenipotentiaries of the other Royal Courts a communication of the minutes of this day. They have further ordered that an extract of the said minutes shall be made public.— Here follow the signatures in the alphabetical order of the Courts :AUSTRIA.—Prince Metter Nich, Prince Wess kNBERG. SPAIN (Espague).-P. Gomes LABRADooFRANCE.-Prince TALLev RAND, Duke of 1)Alberg, Count ALEx ne NoM II.LEs,

GREAT BRITAIN.—CLANcARTY,

CATHCART, STEwART. PORTUGAL.-The Count or PALMELLA, SALDANHA, Lobo.

PRUSSIA.—Prince Hanoenaeng, *

Baron HUMBoldt. RUSSIA.—Count RAsoumousky,

Count STAKELBERG,

Count NEsselrope.

SWEDEN.—Count Loew EN hrei.M.
The undersigned Plenipotentiaries, approving
the whole of the principles contained in the pre-
sent extract from the minutes, have affixed to it
their signatures.
Vienna, May 12, 1815.
BAWARIA..—Count RECHBERq.
DENMARK.—C. BeBNstorff,
- I. Bernstorff.
HANOVER.—Count Munster,
Count HARDENBURGH.
NETHERLANDS.—Baron SPAEN,
Baron GAGERN,
SARDINIA.—The Marquis de St. MARSAN.
Count Ross I.
SAXONY.—Count SchuleMBURG.
TWO SICILIES.—The Commander Ruffo.
WURTEMBERG.—Count WINzingerone,
Barou LiN DEN.

'inted and Published by G. Houston, No. 192, strand ; where all Communications addressed to the Editor, are requested to be forwarded.

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Vol. xxvii. No. 23.] LoNDON, SATURDAY, JUNE 10, 1815. Price is.

** The revolutionary ideas of France have already
“made but too great a progress in the hearts
“of men in all countries, and even in the very
“cent c of every capital. If crime be crowned
“with reward in France, every individual may
“iltope that the subversion of order in his own
“country wiłł procure him a situation, if not
“honour bie, at least honoured. IT IS No.T
“BO NAPAR FE THAT AT PRESENT
“FORMS THE DANGER OF EUROPE:
“he is unmasked, IT IS THE NEW OP i.
“NIONS: it is the disorganisation of men's

* “minds; it is the making revolt a calculation “of private interest; it is the most deadly of

“all contagions, the contagion of immorality,
“of false philanthropy, of a perfidious self.
“styled philosophy isfrom all which the world
“requires to be procted. THIS IS THE
“TRUE HYDRA which must be D. E.
“STROYED, or it will destroy all Europe.
“The cause of morality is the cause of GOD;
“it is the cause of all men, of all nations, of
“ali thrones!!"—Times Newspaper, 6 June,
1815. -
LETTER. V.
To Lord CAst LEREAgh.

On the De'ates relative to the Commence-
ment of the War against France.

My Lord,

II. Of the French system of Government.
—For a long while it was pretended, that it

was merely Napoleon who was the object

of dread with the Allies. They would not interfere in the domestic affairs of France. They would not presume to say what sort of government the French should have. They did not pretend to deny, that they had no right to forbid the French to have whatever kind of government they might choose. But, Napoleon; it was merely Napoleon, that they wished to put down, because he had broken his treaties With them, and because his ambition was such, that he would never suffer Europe ... to be at rest. This was the language for a long while. But, by degrees, it has changed; and, it is the French SYSTEM,

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which we now hear the warriors most bitterly complain of. They have disguised to is for a good while; because, the letting it be seen, that they were at war against the kind of government existing in France, was to give their opponents a powerful handle against them. At last, however, they have been driven to sufi r this to take place. They were beaten upon the personal question, and were compelled to fly to the system. In the published report of the Debate in the House of Lords, it is stated. that the FARL of LiVERPOOL aid, that we were “comp led “ again to have recourse to aims, and to “renew the contest against that power, “ and that system, which had been the “ parent: of such tremendous ca amities: “. . . . .”. that the state of things in “France afforded no security for peace “without the most imminent danger to “other nations : . . . . . . that, with such “a government as that of Franco, ani“mated with such a spirit, and acting “upon such principles, it was impossible “to expect with safety to remain in a state “ of peace : . . . . . . that he himself was “ desirous that France should have a “mited government, found d" on princi“ples of a nature similar to those which “prevailed in THIS COUNTRY. He “knew that it had been a matter of spe“culation how far a free constitution “could be maintained in France, together “with that large military force, which, on “ account of her extensive frontier, nu“merous fortresses, and from other causes, “it might be necessary for that country “to keep up even in time of peace. it “had been contended by some, that so “large a military establishment was in“compatible with a limited government; “but whether that opinion was well or ill “feunded, this at least was cicar, that “under such circumstances, it was im“possible that a free Constitution could “exist where the head of the government “was a military chief, who owed his si“tuation to the sword, and :those title arose from, and was founded on the “sword. There was no individual under

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“whose sway it was so totally impossible “ that any thing like a limited government “could exist, as that individual whose “ title depended on the sword, whose “fame, whose power, and all that ren“ dered him distinguished, arose from, “ and was connected with war and con“quest. At the period of the invasion “ of France, the general impression in “ that country was, that under him there “ was ne hope of a permanent limited go“vernment; and the common opinion “ was, that so desirable an object would ‘‘ be best secured under the sway of the * old family. There was, in the very cir“cumstance of the Government being in “the hands of the old and legitimate fa* mily, which formed the best security “ for the permanence and support of a limited system. If the restoration of “ the old family, therefore, would be be“neficial to the whole of the rest of Europe, it would be in the highest degree “favourable to France. Then could any “one so completely shut his eyes to all “ that happened during the last 14 or 15 “ years, as to believe that this country or “Europe sould with safety enjoy a state “ of repose, while the Pl, A N and SYS“TEM of Government remained as it was “at present?...... that in the whole of “Europe there was only one sentinent, and “ the Sovereigns had the means and the will “to resist a system, the crissence of which “must be destructive of all hopes of secure and permanent tranquillity....... That “ the Allies wished not to see France aban“ doned to the ravages of war, her pro“vinces or her resources curtailcd, but “only such a government cristing in that “country as would afford security to the “rest of Europe. In this view he thought * it would be generally admitted, that the “restoration of Louis XVIII. to his “throne was an object dear to the heart “ not only from feelings of SYMPATHY, “ but from a principle of general expedi“ency. . . . . . . That the argument, then, “ was this: in the first place, you clearly “ had a just cause of war against 'i'HAT “SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT IN “FQMNCE, which experience had decidetly proved to be incompatible with the “postce and independence of the nations of Europe : next, you had, at present, “ means of opposing that system which “you could not reasonably hope to pos

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“sess at a future time; and the question

“ was, whether, under these circumstances, “it was not incumbent upon you to take “advantage of this state of things, and “oppose so PERNICIOUS A SYS“TEM, whilst the amplest means of “resistance were in your power. . . “That we had a right to say, that France “shall not have a Governmet which threa“tens the repose of other nations. . . . . .

“ that we ought not to refuse to join in “crushing one of the greatest evils that “ever existed."—Thus far the PRIME MIx is trr. Nothing can be more full to the point. It is the SYSTEM ; the sort of Government. This is what the Allies are at war with ; and, they are at war with Napoleon because he is the Chief of the nation, who have adopted that system.—

The report gives to LORD GREN VILLE. the following expressions upon this point: “Was it nothing now to be desired to “sanction a system under which Europe had so long groaned, with such an army and such a chief at its head? If his dis“ position was said to have undergone “some change, his situation again was “ now changed; and as the army was for“merly upheld by spoliation and plunder,

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“so now, for the same objects, he was re

“called by his former instruments, who “ alone could maintain him in his regained

“ power. As to new constitutions, he was

“sirmly of opinion, that a good constitu“tion could only be formed by the adapta“tion of remedies from time to time, un“der the circumstances which required them. That seemed the only means of “accomplishing that difficult work. The “only instance of exception mentioned “was that of America: but that did not “appply. The founders of that constitu“tion acted with great wisdom. It was “ framed so as to produce as little change “ as possible in the existing laws and man“ners under the altered form of govern“ment, which, though a republic, was “constructed as nearly as the difference “would almit, on the monarchical forms. of our OWN CONSTITUTION"— How odd it is, my Lord, that we should always be wanting other people to imitate oup “ invaluable Constituttion." However, this is another man’s matter, as the saying is. It shall be my business, in a seperate address to Lord Grenville, to shew him how “nearly” the Americans have constructed their Goverument upon our plan : that shall be thy

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business, and shall be fully discharged in the next number of the Register.—But, to return to the French SYSTEM, the reporter makes your Lordship say: “that in this case it is impossible to seperate the Government from the nation.”—Mr. J. SMITH is reported as having called the French system a system of Plunder and to have called the French army banditti. Did the gentleman never hear of any other plunderers 2 I have a great mind to send him a file of American newspapers' The truth is, that we do take the liberty to look upon ourselves as exempt from all the moral obligations which we apply to the conduct of others. We are like Butler's Saints, who insisted, that fiddles, race-horses, whores, and dice were their exclusive property, and were, in part, unjustly detained from them by the wicked. —Mr. GRATTAN'S words are next given by the reporter, who makes that gentleman say: “that the French Government “is a stateocracy: that the French Consti“tution was war, and that Bonaparte was “ the man best calculated to support it:.. “ . . that with Mr. Burke's authority, with “Mr. Fox's practice, and with the opini“ons and conduct of others whom it would “wear out a day to name, he was against “a treaty founded on the chances of Bo“naparte's giving liberty to France, at “the certain hasard of the independence of “Europe. If we had no right to dictate “a Government to France, we had a “right to say to France, ‘You shall not “‘choose a Government, the object of “‘ which is to raise all your strength “‘against Europe.” As to the Govern“ment of Louis the Eighteenth, which he “should rather speak of as interrupted “ than subverted, it was mildness itself “ compared to that of Bonaparte. It was “free under it to discuss all questions of “ church or ministry, or political or re“ligious intolerance, and the science of * Government and philososphy, and in“toleration advanced under it, and there “ was at least an amenity in France that “rendered a great nation amiable. It “ was now proposed to subject that race “ of people to a pure oriental despotism. “There was a sort of monstrous unreality “in the revived system of Government, “ that stated nothing as it is ; and every “thing as it was not. (IIear.). The “whole state was corrupted. He would “ask whether by treaty they would con

“firm in the heart of Europe a military

“ domination founded on triumph over “civil rights, and which had made the ex“periment of governing a great nation without any religion, and which aimed “ at governing Europe by means of break“ing oaths and deposing Kings: (Hear) “If they would agree to confirm that “system,--if they would degrade the ho“nour of England—if they would for“get the value of morals, and despise “ the obligations of religion,--if they “would astonish all our allies by such “a confirmation, would not Europe ex“claim against us, and say, ‘You have “‘ kindly assisted and generously contri“‘buted to our deliverance ; and do you “‘ at the most urgent moment fall back 2 “‘ In vain have you so long opposed and “‘ born up against the flying fortunes of “‘ the world, in vain have you taken the “‘ eagles from the hands of the invaders, “‘in vain have you snatched invincibility “‘ from the standards of the foe! Now, “‘ when all Europe is ready to march, “‘ are you, who were in the front before, “‘ the foremast to take the lead in de“‘sertion ?”. . . . . . MR. C. WYNNE “ quoted a number of historical facts, “ to shew that it had always been neces“sary to curb the ambition of FRANCE, “ and contrasted the approaching meeting in Paris, to accept the new constitution, under the influence of a military des“potism, with the FREEDOM of ELEC“TIon IN ENGLAND, where all the troops were removed from the spot at which it “took place.”—This is very true, my Lord. I dare say there were no army present at the election of Mr. QUINTIN Dick ; nor did I ever hear of any being employed at Sarum, Gatton, Reygate, Appleby, Bamber, Queenborough, Nercton, and a long list of fine places in Cornwall, Scotland, Ireland, and, indeed all over the kingdom ; though I do recollect, I think, something about soldiers being employed at Bristol. Here, my Lord, I conclude as to this point; and, I think, that it will never, after this, be denied, that the war is now, as it was in 1791, 1792, 1793, and the succeeding years, ’till 1814, a struggle between re- . publicah principles, or, as they are sometimes called jacobin principles, and the

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cussing. It is the fact, that I am anxious to record the proof of : namely, That the war is a war against the system of governthent, which the French have adopted ; a system, of government, which recognizes the right of the people to choose their own Chief Magistrate ; which acknowledges no feudal titles or privileges; which knows of no tithes, no predominant Church, Clergy, or Religion ; which takes faration as the basis of representation ; which knows nothing of Boroughs or their patrons.—Pray, my Lord, look at the motto to this Letter. {{I. Of our present situation with re. gord to France.—This, my Lord, is a great point. Because, we have been about 22 years at war; and, if we find the members of both houses of parliament insisting. that WE ARE NOW IN SUCH A STATE with regard to France ; that another war is absolutely necessary to save its from destruction, is it not time for us to begin to ask what we have had 22 years of war for 2 The whole of this thinking, “ this most thinking people” were drunk; they were mad with joy, last

year. They boasted, and were applauded |

for boasting, that they had, by their perseverance in submitting to taxation, at last, won peace and safety for themselves and for their children.—Now, then, let its hear what the members of the two

houses of parliament are reported to have !

said upon the subject of our present situation, that is to say, our situation at the end of about eleven months from the time when that boasting took place.—It was said - * , By the FARL of Liverpool: “Indeed. “what other alternative was left but “car, or an armed peace almost “equivalent to war in point of ex“ pence, and leaving the country in “a feverish state of anriety as to defence? Supposing a treaty with “ Bonaparte, could any man con“template a peace establishment in the old sense of that phrase ? The “ country could only have a severish and disturbed repose. The system “ of armed defence was calamitous in “ itself, and one of which the country “ had had no experience. He admif“ted that circumstances might exist “ in which an armed poace might be “ preferable to war;--if for instance “ the powers of Europe had not beca

“prepared, or were indisposed to the “contest, in that case an armed peace “would be preferable, though it “ would still be an Al TERNATIVE “ OF EXCESSIVE EVIL. By Lord BATHURST, “that it was not “possible for us to avoid war sooner or later; that, next year, Bona“ parte's power would be more for‘midable than this year; that we “ went to war to secure ourselves “ against alarming danger. By Lord GREx v, LLE, that we were “un“ der the fatal necessity of going to “ war; that war was not only neces“sary but unavoidable; that there “was no option left us, nor any long “ time for deliberation; that we “were placed by an imperious ne“cessity in a state to do what could not be avoided; that in this situa“tion we were called on to adopt the means calculated to avert the great“est dangers. No words of which he was master; nothing that the “page of history recorded, appeared “adequate to impress on their Lordships minds the situation in which “wo were now placed. If such “ means were required from any, to “ place in full view the dangers of “removing the barriers against “French ambition and aggression, “ and the necessity that must exist if “they were not removed, he should despair.” By MR. GRATTAN, “that, as to the ability “of opposing aggression, he hoped “none would live to see the time “when England, together with the “rest of Europe, would be obliged “ to truckle before France, and when “ these islands should seek an humble “situation under the French Impe“rial Eagle. What would be our “ situation if we abandoned our al“liance State it as you please, it “must be first of all an armed peace. “No Minister would centure to “disarm the country in such a case. “This armed peace would be follow“ed by the evils of a corruption of “manners, and a vastly increased “expenditure ; and that would be “followed by a renewal of war. “You might then have no alliance, “ certainly not so strong an alliance “as you have; while your enemy

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