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with that people Have we not broken all the bonds that could unite us with then 2 We have changed the name, the life, the manners. We bear no resemblance to the French—these peeple, who never ceased to persecute us, and whom we abhpr. Why, then, should we submit to the fate of being condemned to groan under their tyranny and oppression — Barbarians ! They dare to despise us! They think us unworthy of the blessing of liberty and independence : They think that we are not copable of sublime sentiments, or of those generous impulses which form heroes, and make men masters of their own destinies : but they are deceived. Let them know something of the magnanimity, the energy, and the courage of the people whom they dare to ontrage : Our will is to be free; and we shall be so in spite of tyrants!— Oh! if our cause should be separated from that of other people; if injustice should prevail over - equity in this enlightened age; if our tyrants should at length be able to triomph over us, let the glory of the Haytian people at least stand unequalled in the annals of nations; - Yes, we solemnly pledge ourselves that, sooner team renounce 1iberty and independ-uce, our entire race shall be exterminated. But before any Frenchman gains a footing here, let Hayti become a vast desert; let our towns, our manufactures, our dwellings, become a prey to the sames. Let each of us multiply his force-redouble his energy and his courage, in imalating to our just fury thousands of those tygers who are alienated from our blood Let Hayti present nothing but a heap of ruins ; let tertified countefiances meet nothing but sights of death, destruction, and vengeance : Let posterity have to say, on beholding these ruins, “Here lived a free and generous people; tyrants wanted to strip them of their liberty, but they resolved to perish sooner than part with it ! Pasterity will applaud this act of magnanimity. Oh! will there be a human being so destitute of generosity as to refuse us his admiration, his esteem, and his good wishes - In the political wars carried on among civilized States, the armies fight, and the people live in peace. But in a war of extermination, such as that with which we have been threatened, when every man thinks of defending his home, the tombs of his parents, his liberty, his independence, what, do I say ? his very existence, and

that of his wife and children, it is then a war of man against inan ; women and boys are in a state of war: all are in arms; all the evil we cair do our enemy is a sacred duty; all means of de

struction are lawful for us to use. We shall re--

vive those dreadful examples of exasperation among people who terrified the earth : Posterity will shudder with horror; but far from blaming us, it will only impute these acts to the perversity of the age, to tyrants, and to necessity But this will never happen—it is impossible.—Hayti is invincible ; and justice, as well as the cause of justice, will bear her triumphant through aii obstacles. No, never shall this execrable enterprise take place. There is honour, there is glory among the Sovereigns and people of Jourope ; and Great Britain, that Liberator of the World, will prevent such an abomination t



couxcil of rh E HAYori AN NAT1ox, it ELAri vs.

To THE LETTER OF M. DAUxion LAVA Ysse, oct. 27, 1814.

Haytians ! your sentiments, your generous resolution, are worthy of us: your King shall always be worthy of you. Our indignation is at its height. Let Hayti, from this moment, be only one vast camp ; let us prepare to combat those tyrants who threaten us with chains, siavery, and death. Haytians ! the whole world has its eyes fixed upon us; our conduct must con

found our calumniators, and justify the opinion

which philanthropists have formed of us. Let us rally—let us have but one and the same wish– that of exterminating our tyrants. On the unanimous co-operation of our union, of our efforts, will depend the prompt success of our cause. ,

Let us exhibit to posterity a great example of -

courage; let us combat with glory, aud, be effaced from the rank of nations, rather than renounce liberty and independence. A King, we know how to live and die like a King : you shall always see us at your head, sharing in your periis and dangers. Shold it so happen that we cease to exist before consolidating your rights, call to mind our actions; and should our tyrants so far succeed as to endanger your liberty and

independence, disinter my bones ; they will

still lead you to victory, and enable you to tri- . umph over our implacable and eternal enemies.

Printed and Published by J. M.G.RTON, 94, Strand.

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... ... AMERICA.

PFAer being how happily concluded with the country of freedom, it will not be necessary for me to occupy so large a portion of the Register, as I lately have, , with observations relating to it. But, still this country, now nearly as much above all others in military and naval prowess as she is, and long has been, in civil, religious, and political kberty; still this favoured country, this asylum and example to the oppressed of all other nations, must continue to be a deeply interesting object with every one, whom I wish to see amongst my readers. I shall, therefore, in future, write of the affairs of America under one general title, numbering the several articles from No. 1, onwards.---Previous to the war, I wrote several articles, under the form of Letters and otherwise; during the war a great many more. And, I am of opinion, if all these were collected together, from the month of July, 1810, to the 14th of this present month of January, 1815, they would be found to contain as good a history of this important struggle, as is likely to appear in any other shape. The rise, the progress; the termination, are all here to be found very amply detailed. The views on both sides; the passions, the #. judices ; the means made use of to delude the people of England. The “ffect of the result of the contest on nen's minds. All will here be found to have been faithfully recorded; that

is to say, as far as I have dared to gå;

and for the restraint, which I have been under, and for "which iio human ingenuity could have compensated, the

judicious sound impartial reader will

make a suitable allowance. This,

however, is only said as to our side of

the water; for, in the country of freedom, the naked truth will be told. There every man will write and publish what he pleases; thert discussions will

be really free; there no man will tremble while he writes; and there truth must and will prevail.—It is often observed, that history, to be impartial, must be written long after the date of the events of which it is a record, This is a strange motion, It is so contrary to every rule of common life, that it naturally staggers one. If we want to keep our accounts, or the records of any proceedings in life, accurately, we never lose a moment in minuting the facts down as they occur. If evidence is given from a writ, ten paper, it naust, too make the evidence good, have been written at the moment that the facts occurred. How strange, then is it, that, for history to “be “true, it must be written a century, or two, after the period, to which it relates; That is to say; that, to come. at the real truth of any national och currence, in order to affive at a just decision upon the conduct of a nation, you must enter upon the inquiry after all the witnesses are *.*.*.*. all the springs, hidden from common eyes, and which no man has fared to record an account of in print, aré wholly. forgotten and are sunk; for ever, out of sight. It is said, that, at the time when the events' oedtir, the historian is too near to the passions and preju

| dices of the times, and is too likely to

partake of them. But; at a hun

years after the events, what has he to . refer to but writings of the times; and, how, then, is he more likely to get at the truth?. We suppose the historian to seek earnestly for truth; and is he more...likely too get at it, when all the springs are forgotten and all the wit. messes dead, than when he has access to them all 4—The real state of the . case is . . this: the “historian BARES NOT write a true history of present events, and a true description of the character of public institutions, establishments, laws, and men, in any country except * Truth, in Eng:

land, may be a LIBEL; libels are punished more severely than the greatest part of felonies, as my Lord Folkston E shewed, in the House of Commons, from an examination of the Newgate Calendar; and, it , is well known, that in answering a charge of libel, the TRUTH of what you have written, or published, is not allowed EVENTO BE GIVEN IN EVIDENCE. This is the real, and the only ground for pretending, that history, ought to be written long after the period to which it relates. But, how are you bettered by length of time ! It is a libel here to speak evil of the dead. “The dead villain must

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may be published; but, here, even opi

nions expose writers, printers, and publishers to punishment; and, observe, that that which a man may say in a private letter, is held to be pubiished, and if determined to be libeljous, liable to punishment.—Well may we hold it to be a maxim, that the writing of history ought to be delayed until a remote period; but it would be a rauch more sensible maxilm, that no history, written under such circumstances, (with a law that punishes libels on the dead) ought ever to be regarded as any thing better than a sort of political romance. There is no reason,

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| appellations which justice assigns them.

If such a work were published, rather than not possess a copy, I would make one of my sons traverse the Atlantic, expressly to fetch it to me. I hope, however, that some man, in America, who feels upon the subject as I feel, will take the trouble to convey to me by a safe hand (not through the Post Office) a copy or two of the first work of the above description that shall apear. But mind, I should despise any history which should not speak of ALL the actors, on both sides, without the smallest regard to the humbug and palaver of the day, applying to their actions and their characters, and their motives, the plainest as well as the truest of epithets and terms. I want to have it all out. I am not much disposed to be unhappy. I never meet calamity half way. But really, such a work; the reading of such a work, and hearing my children read it, would make up for years of misery, if I had passed such; and it would be much more than a compensation for all the sufferings of my life. In short, I have set my heart on this thing, and, if I am

disappointed, I shall be grieved more

than I ever yet have been; ten thousand fines more than I was, when I heard the sentence of Jo DC E GRose on ine of two year's imprisonment in Newgate, a thousand pounds fine to the King, and seven years bound to . good behaviour afterwards, in bonds of 5,000 pounds, for having written about

the flogging of Fnglish local militia

men at Ely, and about German draBut, why should I be disappointed? Have I not, if no one else will take up the pen, a son to take it up in the cause of truth and liberty? ...The

world is wide; and now it is open.-

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In the mean while let us not neglect that which is yet within our own power. We ought to keep the Republic constantly before our eyes. Though we make her less the subject of observation than we have dome for some time past, we ought never to lose sight of her. The enemies of liberty are always on the watch to assail, through her sides, the object of their mortal hatred; and, therefore, we ought to lose no occasion of facing and of fighty ing them. ence, and to give something of unifor

mity of arrangement to the matter in

the Register, relating to America, I intend to insert, under one general head, all such matter of my own writing, and to mention under that general head the several topics treated of, in the following IIlanner. to .. No. I. - AMERICA.—Mr. HUNT's motion and Sir John Cox HIPPIsley's speech re:* her.—The Courier's attack on ... BINNs, a publisher at Philadelphia. At a Meeting of the county of Somerset, on the j, instant, a curious occurrence took place with regard to the peace with America. I will first give the account of it from the TIMEs newspaper of the 16th instant, and make on it such observations as most naturally present themselves. The reader should first be informed, however, that the meeting was held for the purpose of discussing a petition to Parliament against the Property Tar,' or Taw upon Income, which tax ought, by law, to expire in a few months, but which tax it is supposed the governnent means to propose the continuation, r revival.—The following is the report of the TIMEs:—“ On Monday last, at the meeting of the freeholders, &c. holden “ at Wells, to petition Parliament for the repeal of the Property-tax,after the busimess of the day was disposed of (an account of which has already appeared in this paper).--Mr. HUNT remarked, that the meeting should not disperse without expressing its thankfulness to those by whose efforts peace had been made between us and America. He therefore read a resolution, which he submitted for their approbation: “That the thanks of this meeting are due to those by whose exertions peace with

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the Americans, the only free remain

'ing people in the world, has been re

In order to facilitate refer- |

“ stored to this country.” Sir J. C. “ HIPPIs LEY could see no reason what.

“ever for calling the Americans the only

“free people in the world, and should “ certainly divide the meeting if the “motion were persisted in. It was a “ LIBEL on our own country; for his “ part, he HATED THE AMERICANS. hey were a set of slaves to the Government of France, and—(some erpressions of disapprobation arose) when Mr. DickINson said, that he certainly must join in deprecating the resolu“tion. He hoped the meeting would not consent to compliment any nation at the expense of our own, and of every other in the globe. He had considerable reason for believing, that “the Congress at Vienna was now em“ployed in endeavouring to unrivet the chains of the suffering Africans; and “engaged, as the Powers of Europe “ were, in so sacred a cause, he could “ not consent that any aspersion, direct. “ or indirect, should be cast upon them.

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“Mr. HUNT then requested the Sheriff

“ to put the resolution, which, upon the shew of hands, was negatived by a very considerable majority.” Whether there be any free country in the world. still remaining, besides the Republic of America, is a question that I do not choose té decide, or to give my opinion upon. But, I cannot help observing, that the question was decided in the megative by a meeting of the county of Somerset only by “a considerable majority;” and, I raust further observe, that the report of this “considerable majority” comes to us through the Times newspaper, that channel of skunk-like abuse of America and all that is American. Let it be remembered, too, that the power of deciding who had the majority lay wholly and absolutely with the Sheriff, who is an officer appointed by the crown. . This being the case, the words, “ considerab “majority” will be pretty well understood to mean any thing but a large majority; and, perhaps, some people may doubt whether there was any majority at all. At any rate, the County of Somerset divided upon the question of, whether, America was, or was not, the only free country left in the world. This was, at

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least, a question for which many were in

the affirmative. It was received and put to

the vote without any marks of j".

bation; while, on the other hand, he B 2 -

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was kissed, who said that he hated the Americans,” and who called them the ... slaves of the French Government. And ... why, good Sir John, do you hate the Americans ? What have they done to you ? You say, that they are the slaves of the Government of France; but you do not find it convenient to produce any proof of what you say. This, Sir John, is one of the old state falsehoods of the Timcs newspaper, which you are retailing

at second-hand like a Grub-street pedlar. keep no sinecure placemen, and no

You are, in this instance, a poor crawl

ing imitator of a wretched grinder of paid-itually rendered them services, and to

for paragraphs. Prore, or attempt to prove what you say. . Attempt, at least, to prove, that the Americans are the slaves, or have been, the slaves of the French; or, you must be content to go about saddled with the charge of having made an assertion, without being either able or willing to shew it to be true. I assert, that the Americans were not, in any shape ordegree, subservient to France. I assert, that they all along acted the part

- cf a nation truly independent. I assert, that they, in no case, shewed a partiality

... for the Government of Nap. , . If

any proof were wanted of their having

- ed no reliance upon France, we have it in the fact, the fact so honourable, so glorious to them, and so unfortunate for us; I mean the fact of their continuing the contest after Napoleon was put down, and still, as firmly as, before, refusing to logire up to is one single point, though

lished as yours. But, Sir John, why do
you HATE the Americans? You cannot,
surely; hate them because they pay their
President only about six thousand pounds.
a year, not half so much as our Apothe-
cARY GENERAL receives. You, surely,
cannot hate them because they do not
pay in the gross amount of their taxes
as much as we pay for the mere collec- |
tion and management of ours. You,
surely, cannot hate them because they

pensioners, except to, such as have ac

them grant pensions only by vote of their real representatives. You, surely, cannot hate them because, in their country, the press is really free, and truth cannot be a libel. You, surely, cannot hate them because they have shewn that a cheap. government is, in fact, the strongest of all governments, standing in no need of the troops or of treason laws to defend it in times even of actual invasion. ... You may, indeed, pity them because they are destitute of the honour of being governed by some illustrious family; because they are destitute of Dukes, Royal and others, of Most Noble Marquises, of Earls, Wiscounts and Barous; because they are destitute of

othey saw us allied, with all Europe, and

Knights of the Garter, Thistle and Bath, Graud-Crosses, Commanders and Companions; because they are, in spite of the efforts of the Massachusetts' intriguers, still destitute of Illustrious Highnesses, Right Honourables, Honourables, and

• though they saw the whole of our mon-i Esquires; because they are destitute of . . strous force directed against them, having long robes, and big wigs, and see their no other enemy to contend with. This lawyers, of all ranks, in plain coats of

proves that they placed no reliance upon ; France. When they declared war, they såw us with a powerful enemy in Europe. ‘. Hopon that circumstance they, of course, calculated, as they had a right to do; but, when that enemy, contrary to their

n, and the whole of our enormous force

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to us one single point of any sort. Deny

this, if you can, Sir John; and, if you

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expectation, was put down all of a sud

grey, brown, or blue, as chance may determine; because they are destitute of a Church established by law and of tyths: you, luay, indeed, pity the Republicans on these accounts; but, Sir : John, it would be gruel to hate them. To hate is not the act of a Christian,

... . . t and very illy becomes a man like your-
was bent against America, she was notin-
She still set us at defiance;

self, who has been a hero, a perfect dragon, in combating the anti-christian principles of the French Revolution. Pity, the Americans, Sir Jolin. Forgive them, Sir John, Pray for them, Sir John, But

been told, she would, she brought us to do not hate them, thou life and for. . . . . *:::::::: with her without her giving up

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and Field Marshals; that they may hay igh the Times has put a Civil List and Sinecures; §

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