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cans be upon their guard against it. It is aspiring Aristocracy in its most alluring guise; it is imposture of the most dangerous kind It tends to the creating of pauperism; to the forming of a class in the community, who have no interest in supporting the rights and liberties of the nation, and who are to be bought and sold like cattle. These 'societies ought to be resolutely attacked and exposed. A little matter would break them up amongst a sensible people. I wish I could shew the people of America the effects of pauperism in England; I wish I could make them see the degradation which it has brought upon the land of their forefathers:–there would need nothing more.


MR. Cobb ETT–There are some persons with whom it is in vain to reason, and whom it is impossible to convince. As a proof of this, the effects of prejudice and blind incredulity were never more palpably evinced than in the declarations, so repeatedly made, by most of the public journals, that the army, and not the people of France, are favourable to the return of Napoleon; that the nation at large has a perfect dislike to his hame, character, and government; and that no proof of at-tachment by the people has yet been given, from the moment of his landing at Frejus to the time of his entering the city of Paris; no not even up to the present period. When such declarations as these are made, in the face of so many opposite facts, it is almost impossible for any evidence, however strong, to remove such deep rooted prejudice. . What kind of evidence, short of a miracle, would be deemed sufficient to convince such wilful perverseness? It is not a little curious to see how they attempt to account for Napoleon’s uninterrupted march to Paris. His landing, they tell us, was so sudden and unexpected; his movements so rapid and direct, that every loyal citizen was seized with a momentary astonishment. A paralytic affection deprived the nation of all motion, and all sense of feeling, except that a small disaffected rabble, the dregs of the military, basely attached themselves to the “vile tyrant,” and conducted him to Paris! For a moment let us glance at the moderation and modesty, the impartially and candour of these men, when

speaking of Napoleon. They call him a perfidious traitor, an audacions rebel, a vile miscreant, a run-away coward, a monster, whom every body hates, an enemy to tranquillity, happiness, and order, a hater of mankind, with whom no peace or truce can, or ought to, be made ; and, to complete the climax, he is said to be a devil incarnate, but by which of the fallen angels he was begotten we are not yet informed. Doubtless they will next tell us he is Belzabub, the prince of the devils. These calumniators have a great facility in the use of these epithets. They apply them to all who think different from themselves. You, Sir, have very pointedly animadverted on their modest declamations against Mr. Madison, the American President. It was certainly a very pious avowal of theirs, that “the world should “ be delivered of such a democratic trai“tor,” “ and that no peace can or ought “to be made, with so rebellious a go“vernment.” Much the same language was used in speaking of the immortal Washington, when that admired character directed the affairs of the most independent representative government in the world. Truth stands in no need of abusive language to support it. Such mean and contemptible expressions militate against the cause they are intended to serve. The Moniteur-some time ago informed us that the loyalty of the French to the Bourbons was universal. Why then did not the Duke de Ogñéans, and the French Marshal who went with him to Lyons, excite the people of that great city to resistance : Opportunities have been afforded the people in various parts of France to prove their attachment to Louis, had they been so disposed. The exertions of the Duke of Angouleme, as well as his heroic Duchess, were incapable of rousing them to support their cause, notwithstanding they had royal blood in their veins, and tongues pouring forth rewards on all who heard them. It is notoriously true, that Napoleon landed with a little band of 600 men. While moving forward to the capital, why was he not arrested in his progress at Digne, at Gap,

at Grenoble, or at Lyons, before his mili

tary strength became formidable? At neither of these places, nor at any other in the whole of his march, did a single individual oppose him. Can it be imagined, if such a force was to land in any part of England, with the intention of subverting our glorious constitut on, that it could proceed

twenty miles without meeting a successful opposition, if not a total annihilation 3 Two months have elapsed since Napoleon's arrival in France. Still all remains tran

gu,l. , inte has been al lowed to remove that astonishment, which, it is pretended, deprived the nation of all motion and seuse of feeling. The wheels of go

veruńent, through all France, proceed with the same regularity and order as though it had peen of long standing. There appears to be no disliculty in making appointments to any office, or of forming inst tutious, which would do honour to any country. The abolition of the Slave Trade, and the establishment of popular Education; these two acts alone will hatid Napoleon's name down to future ages with gratitude. Formerly he puzzled the Sovereigns of Europe by the splendour of his arms. Now he puzzles them by his moderation. iie assures the world “he “ will not be the aggressor.” That “his “ first wish is to become useful in estab“ lishing the repose of Europe;” to prove which he has sent pacific overtures to the different powers now arming against him. 'i'hese powers have not disclosed the propositions. All that is known, therefore, respecting them, must be gathered from what he, of the French government, have said on the subject. France seeks no enlargement of dominion, nor desires to interfere with the internal government of other countries. She is willing to acceed to the conditions entered into at the close of the war. What more is wanted? The sanguinary hirelings of the day inform us, #hat nothing short of Napoleon's life will satisfy them ; that Europe and the world ean be safe and happy only in his death. #3ut bribes and rewards have as yet proved ineffectual to accomplish the pious design. Napoleon, they inform us, is so perfidious a character that he violates his treaties. #}oes this charge exclusively belong to the Imperor of France? Have no solemn engagements been disregarded by others? 'Napoleon and Murat, King of Naples, retort the same charge, with equal confidence, on the allies. If it is right to invade France because treaties have been broken, where is the country that may not be invaded? Again, the friends of war say, Napoleon is such a restless tyrant

that no one can live in peace with him,

May it not rather be said that no one will be at peace with him 2–Let the experiment be fairly tried. Even the honest ox, by constantly goading, will turn again. The war party confidently aver, that the combat ouce begun will soon, very soon terminate; that the overwhelming armies of the Allies will give no chance for the “ tyrant's" escape. It is much easier to say what shall be done than to accomplish it. Let such silly advocates turn their attention to the state of France at the time the celebrated Duke of Brunswick entered that fine country with his inhuman Proc1amation. It will be remembered that France was then disorganized, her councils divided, the army scattered; no rallying point to look at, and the people dissatisfied and tumultuous. Yet with all these disadvantages, the invading army was discomfitted, beaten, confounded, and disgraced. The condition of France at this time will not bear a comparison. Its present advantages are infinitely superior to the former period. The kingdom is united. The army organised, and the resources great; so that they are in a condition to wage war with any who have temerity enough to combat with them. France has again exercised the unalienable right which every nation possesses. She has called Napoleon to the throne, and peace reigns throughout her vast empire. Millions rejoice at his arrival, Can any principle in equity justify a war which has no better foundation than personal revenge 2 Must the peace, order, and tranquillity of one of the finest countries in the world be desolated and distracted by a war faction, because one man lives 2 Is the naked spear to find a grave in slaughtered multitudes? Must the ravages of war kindle up a flame, and convulse ali Europe, because one man exists who is obnoxious to us? The very idea overwhelms the human heart with terror and dismay— How tremendously awful will be the responsibility of that faction who encourages and commences the devastating carnage! Humanity bleeds at the anticipated prospect.—Yours respectfully, - MERCAton.


MR. ConBETT.—In the publication of the celebrated treaty of Fontainbleau, a treaty that will probably be regarded by remote posterity as one of hoaxing memory, you judiciously observed, that the character, the tenor, and political importance of its terms with reference to Bonaparte, appeared to be such as better denoted a conquering than a vanquished power.—They certainly proved the military resources of the then imperial government of France, and evinced, that a dread was felt on the part of the Allies at putting to risk the possible issue of a protracted contest. Its continuance must indeed have been most sanguinary. Its cessation, therefore, by any conceivable means, was preferable to urging on the horrible work of carnage. Humanity owes the homage of gratitude to all the conflicting parties, for acceding to the pacific stipulations of the treaty of Fontainbleau. Whether that arrangement was founded on a secret understanding, that the abdication of the imperial throne was to be but temporary, is a circumstance with respect to the public articles, only to be vindicated by the modern justification that has been so often offered of state artifices and chicanery. Considering the bad faith with which the French Emperor had been treated by his former Allies, it was a sort of ruse de guerre, or rather de pair, which merits more properly to be regarded as an adroit piece of lear tallionis than as a flagrant instance of mala fides. But the warranty of Bonaparte for resuming the French throne, is affirmed to rest on a direct violation of the avowed conditions of that treaty. The non-performance of the stipulations respecting the Italian dutchies to his Empress and Son, and the alledged design of wresting from him the sovereignty of Elba, are criminating proofs of the want of good faith in the contracting parties.—Independently of the voice of the French people, loud and heart-felt, in recalling their expatriated imperor, his right to the throne of France is founded on a violation of treaty ; so that what might have been a moral abdication had the conditions of obtaining it been observed, ceased to have any authority the moment these conditions were violated. It does, therefore, appear, that the throne reverts to him as his undoubted right, even were it not imposed on him by the free and universal acclamation of an approving people. No potentate on earth can have a better right to sovereign authority than Bonaparte. He is again

called to that high office by the very sovereignty of the people, the only legitimate source of magisterial appointment, and the undisguised terror and dismay of despots. It is now very generally, though absurdly enough, objected by the undiscriminating adversaries of the French Emperor, that the Allies were blameable, nay, almost criminal, in suffering so dangerous a person to be stationed so near the shores of France as in the island of Elba; that if circumstances did not exactly admit of putting him to death, yet the east that could have been done with him, consistently with the security of Europe, was to have placed him where he never could be again on the political arena of the world. In short, that he should have been dungeoned for life. How pretty is all this, in petty, in childish resentment; but how mighty foolish to attempt impos. sibilities.—The military power of Bonaparte, coupled with the resources of his vast mind, was greater at the time he signed the treaty of Fontainbleau than that of all Europe put together. It might be difficult to gain credit for this assertioli, had not the recent expression of the military feeling of France in his favour incontrovertibly proved its correctness. It was reserved for the year 1815 to give, to the astonished world, an instance of a person who had incurred the remorseless reproaches, and indecent vilifications of the governing part of nations, being received, as it were by one heart and hand, by millions of a populace devoted to his military, his political, and his moral virtues. Ancient Rome furnishes instances of the military transferring the imperial diadem to favourite individuals; but thea it was when the situation was vacillating between contending favourites. France presents a spectacle of receiving a banished Emperor into her bosom ; of his traversing the extensive regions of that populcus country, to the very capital, in a manner more like making a pleasureable excursion than as performing a hazardous enterprise; of his being every where openly caressed ; of his finally reaching the scat of government without an opposing shot having been fired; and all this in the midst of some shew and much legislative, prattle about heroic resistance to his progress. The Bourbon government thus summarily supplanted, was strong in form but wholly destitute of that substantial. power which is only to be found in the hearts of the governed. Legislators may strut in office, and talk largely, but without the authority emanating from public considence, it dwindles into mere puppetism, and becomes the P'or et praezerea nihil. A potentate like Bonaparte, seated in the rightful throne of his people's choice and attachment, cannot be shifted from his imperial eminence without an extent of carnage that can never be warranted, and which cannot be hazarded without drawing on its authors execration and ruin. VERITAs.

# North Estix, Docuxiests.--Jn my last I had occasion to censure all our corrupt newspapers for suppressing the petition, and, some of them, the resolutions of the Livery of London against the threatened

way with France. I accused them of pub

lishing every thing calculated to inflame

the public mind against the people and go.

vernment of France, and to promote interminable war; I said that they carefully kept out of view all those arguments, those statements of fact, and those public docupients which do moustrate the impolicy of hostilities, and furnish a clear and explicit exposition of the actual state of France, the stability of the government, and the devotion of the people to their present ruler. This have repeatedly shown to Le the way in which our corrupt press is almost universally conducted. H. have uow before me a remarkable proof of this, if any proof was wanting to establish the fact. Postscript, professing to be conducted on {iberal principles, contained, in its last uumber, two documents, the one bearing to be a letter from Murat, king of Naples, to our Prince Regent, full of pacific sentiinents, and the other a dispatch from the }}uke of Otranto (Fouche) to Prince Mettermich the Austrian Minister. This last I have given below. It will be read, I am sure, with great attention by all who deprecate war, and who are friendly to liberty. Nothing, indeed, could have been better written to expose the folly and futility of the arguments adduced by the war faction. But the ability which the writer has displayed, the conviction which every line carries with it of its truth. and the intertial evidence which it bears of authenti

- - - - - - - o -- -

A Sunday newspaper, entitied the

city; all these concurring circumstances, however much they served to recommend this document to the notice of the conductors of our newspapers, seem to have been considered by this venal crew, as affording good cause for its suppression. Even the conductor of the Morning Chronicle, whose columns have lately been stuffed with, what he has been pleased to call, “Most important State Papers,” but which no one else regarded in that light; at least, which possessed only a secondary character. Even, I say, the penetrating, the impartial, the liberal politician, Mr. Perry, could not, or rather would not, publish this interesting letter, in his immaculate journal. If he believed it a forgery, why not say so, and give his reasons for the assertion. If he considered it genuine, he merits execration for rejecting it. In refusing a place to a document of so much interest, he gives the most convincing proofs that he is influenced by base and sordid motives, and that all his boasted attachment to the people's rights, is mere pretence, mere hypocritical cant, which is the more pernicious that it is wrapt in the veil of sincerity and truth. The following is the letter to which I allude, and which, as far as I have been able to discover, has not appeared in any of our newspapers, except in the Postscript of the 7th instant.—I hope the conductor, or conductors, of that journal, whoever he or they may be, will meet that support, which his, or their impartiality, in this instance, merits. - * , ,

Copy of a Dispatch from the Duke of Otranto to Prince Metternich. My PRINce—Every event has confirmed what I predicted to you six months ago. You were too pre-occupied to hear me; hearken to me now with attention and confidence; we may, in the peculiar circumstances and the imminent situations in which we are placed, influence in a powerful manner, the approaching and perhaps eternal destinies of France, of Austria, and of Europe. You are de-, ceived respecting what is going on, and . what is preparing in the midst of us.-You will judge of the reports of a people rash and blinded by the misfortunes which strike without the power to enlighten them. You are given to understand at Vienna, that Napoleon has been brought back to

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the throne by the army alone; that there are none on his side but a soldiery drunk with war. But forthwith you will know that our army has not been recruited in public houses. Generals, Captaias, soldiers, all are drawn entirely from the bosom of the nation; and for 25 years our army has executed almost always their wishes and the laws by the most brilliant victories. How dare you tell us that it is the army alone which votes for Napoleon: Our legions do not range themselves more promptly under their colours than the Nation itself around his person and his throne. Almost every where on his route, the popular insurrections in his favour preceded the presence of Napoleon. The Bourbons, reduced to seek in every place a Vendee, have not found it even in La Vendee itself. Of so many armies of volunteers, which they said they had in the South, not one is formed; and though some little bands trembled while they had at their head the Duke of Angouleme, they are become intrepid by passing under the tri-coloured flag. The power of the nation consists in its talents as much as in its armed force. They think now, or they express themselves with respect to Napoleon, in the same manner in the towns, in the academies, and in the camps. Without doubt, liberty has been much restricted, but it has never been destroyed. Glory, at least, was a compensation for France; she desired not aggrandisements of which we abjure the abuse; but she was not able to support the abasement when she had thrown off the government of the Bourbons. The French people feel the extreme want of peace, they wish it as they wish for happiness; but if they be forced into a war, they believe that, under Napoleon, they will not suffer disgrace. We do not wish, say the Powers assembled in Congress, to oblige France to take the Bourbons again; but Napoleon will not be recognised by us. France must choose another Chief; for, to restrict her, they

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to cause them to believe that they owe nothing to the justice which is due to all other men, and that in consideration of their personal hatred to Napoleon, they are authorised to rob the French of the sacred right of their independence, absolute and without limit, in the choice of the Chief of the Empire.—Victory has several times placed the political existence of the Powers of the North at the mercy of the Emperor Napoleon, and he has not wished to erase any one of them from the lists of nations. It is the wish of Alexander, whose name is revered amongst us, to dispense with our rendering to his virtues the homage which they merit: Does the Emperor of Austria, in dethroning, contrary to his interests and those of his monarchy, his son-in-law, and his grand-son, wish to prove to the world, by the most astonishing and authentic of all examples, that among the most hideous of all the sentiments of human nature, hatred is that which has the greatest sway over kings : The people are not disposed to believe it: and in this age of revolutions it might be better to take care to dissuade them from it. In short, my Prince, when it shall be beyond doubt that France is resolved to display all-her forces, to expose all her destinies to support on his throne the man who is the object of her pride, who alone seems to her capable of guaranteeing all the existences and all the relations proceeding from Revolution ; will the Princes at the Congress make the attempt, perhaps a vain one, to tear him from his throne, at the price of all the torrents of blood which this new war will cause to be spilled 3– What pretexts will cover so many outrages on reason, on justice, and on humanity ?—They pretend that Napoleon cannot offer any guarantee with respect to the durability of the peace of Europe; but what a strange mode of seeking this guarantee, to commence their research by replunging Europe in all the fury and horrors of war !—On the contrary, every thing announces, every thing establishes, that any Prince in Europe, at the present time, cannot give this guarantee of peace in the same degree as Napoleon.—No one has experienced so many dangers and vicissitudes of war, so many unexpected and terrible reverses, as Napoleon.—It is, in fact, a new life, as well as a new reign, which the Emperor Napoleon commences,

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