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newspapers, stating, that there was a SE-, CRET ARTICLE in the TREATY OF PARIS, stipulating, that none of the parties, Russia, Prussia, Austria, and France, should interfere in our war against America. This news was given as copied from the Vienna Gazette. The Vienna Gazette is under the immediate controul of the government there. The Americans paid great and deserved attention to this; and, Laust they not have lamented to see France reduced to such a state? They afterwards saw, that there was no safety for their ships of war or their prizes in the ports of France. They saw, in short, that the Bourbons, holding their power almost at the mercy of England, afforded not the smallest hope of any support against so formidable a power as England. Then it was, that many Americans blamed Mr. MADISON, not for resisting the exercise of sur alledged right of impressment; but, on the contrary, for not having sooner made war against us in alliance with France. They told him, that he was, at last, in a state to be able to appreciate the wisdom of keeping aloof from France on account of the title of her ruler. They Laughed at him for his scruples to make common cause with an Emperor, while he saw England having allies in the Turk, the Pope, the Algerines, and the Indians; and they laughed at him the more, when they recollected, that America had won her independence while in an alliance offensive and defensive with a Bourbon King of France.

However, many of the causes which kept America aloof from France are now removed. The principles of 1793 are again adopted in France; the system of reforming by means of conquest is abandoned; Napoleon will have learnt how to respect the rights and to value the character of America. Experience has taught the Americans what they have to expect under certain circumstances. The latter are in no danger from France; they never can be in danger from France; and, Frenchtown and Alexandria will remind them what danger they are in from England.

It is said, by some persons in America, that, though it might have been wise to seek permanent security in 1793, by entering into the war on the side of the Republic of France, it would not be wise ́now, seeing that America has become so

much more able to defend herself than she was in 1793, a proof of which she has given in her recent war against the undivided force of England. On the other hand, it is contended, that, though America be so much more powerful than she was in 1793, England, loaded as she is with debts and taxes, is more formidable than she would have been in 1793, even if she had then subdued France; for, though the people of England suffer, the government has more force at its command; and, what is more for its advantage, the country is brought into that sort of state which makes war almost necessary. If her paupers have increased three-fold, her armed men and her means of destruction have increased five-fold. She is become a nation of fighters. She possessesall the means of destroying. And, say these reasoners, it is not only subjugation against which America ought to guard: it is her duty to guard herself also against devastation and plunder. Besides, say they, England has now less powerful motives to the exercise of forbearance towards America. While the latter was without manufactures; while England had almost a monopoly in the supplying of America'; the former saw in the prosperity of the latter the means of augmenting her own riches and power. But now the case is different; England sees in America even a manufacturing rival; and, what is still more provoking, she sees in America a rival in naval power and renown. Therefore, say they, she must and she will desire our destruction; whether she will attempt it again will depend upon her and our means of attack and resistance.

It must be confessed, that our infamous newspapers have given but too mach reason to the Americans upon this head. For, they have published lists of the American navy and accounts of the American shipping and manufactures; and, having dwelt upon their magnitude and on their rapid increase, they have called upon your Lordship and your colleagues to prosecute the war for the purpose of destroying these evidences of rising power and wealth, They have contended, that it was just to carry on war against America to destroy her navy; to destroy her shipping and manufactures; and to obtain, at least, a stipulation from her, not to build ships of · war beyond a certain number and a certain size. They have contended that sucir a

war would be just; that we should have a right to impose such conditions; and that our safety demanded that we should. If I am told, that these are the sayings of a set of foolish writers in newspapers, my answer is, that I have seldom seeu any of these people promulgate any political opinion without its being, in the sequel, very clear to me, that it was not in their own foolish heads that the sentiment had been, hatched. These men are, in fact, nothing of themselves; they have no principles, no opinions; they care nothing about the matter. They are the mere tools of those who speak through them, whom they not unfrequently despise, but from whom, and through the means of whom, they live comfortably and sometimes get rich.

has expressed her anxious desire to live at peace with you: and yet, you have gone to war against France: if, therefore, it be base on my part to make war upon you, after you have begun war upon France, where is your justification for having begun that war? Besides, have you no ally? You boast of having all Europe on your side. And shall France have no ally? Shall you have twenty allies against the old ally of America, and shall it be deemed base in America to become the only ally of France? You say, that yours is a war of precaution: so is mine. You fear that Napoleon may, one day or other, get to London; and you have been at Washington, at Frenchtown and at Alexandria.

It is a favourite saying, or it used to be, Upon the whole, therefore, my Lord, it in America, that it was her true policy to is not to be apprehended, that, if we make keep aloof from European politics and war upon France for the avowed pur-wars. General Washington several times pose of deposing Napoleon, the people of expressed this sentiment. But can she do America will feel a strong disposition to it? If General Washington had seen the take part with France in that war? And, Congress House in flames, the other day, if they were so to do, have we not great and had seen our people so busy in packcause to fear, that the war would be ex-ing up goods at Alexandria, he would, I tremely injurious to us by sea as well as imagine, have begun to think, that it was by land? The American privateers, not so easy a matter to keep aloof from though without a port to take shelter in European wars; and, if he had lived to on this side of the Atlantic, did great mis- be made acquainted with the famous Capchief to our commerce even in the Channel. tain HENRY's exploits, I think he would What, then, would they do if all the ports have had his doubts as to the possibility of France were open to them and shut of keeping aloof from European politics. against us? If, in short, America were in Even we, in England, say, that America alliance with France, what English ship should keep at peace, though we ourselves unarmed could hope to escape capture? are always at war in some part or other And, is it to be hoped, that, in such a of the world; though there is no war, in case, the skill, the discipline, and un- which we have not a hand. The truth is, daunted bravery of the American navy that America must take a part in the wars would not be communicated to that of and politics of Europe. Here are powers France? Emulation might do a great in Europe who can reach her, who have deal towards sending forth fleets able, in colonies in her neighbourhood, who have a short time, to cope with those of Eng- an interest, or think they have an interest, land. Really, if we wish to keep these in injuring her. They combine and cotwo nations asunder, it appears to me, that operate with one another; and she must we have no way of accomplishing the wish form alliances too; or, she cannot be but that of keeping at peace. many years an independent nation.

If America were to join France in the war, we should, doubtless, tell her, that she was acting a very base part; that she had received from us no provocation that we had not meddled with her; that we had expressed our anxious desire to live at peace with her. But, my Lord, might she not answer?-very true; and you have received no provocation from France; France has not meddled with you; France

It was impudently asserted, not long ago, that America had acted a foul part towards us, in the war; and she was called an assassin, who had attacked us in the dark. I was pleased to hear, from such a quarter, a sentiment of abhorrence against assassins; but, I was displeased to hear such an act attributed to America; because no charge was ever more false. It is notorious, that America used every

effort, and made every sacrifice short of a surrender of her independence, to maintain peace with England; and, that, so far from attacking us in the dark, she gave us notice, for years before-hand, that she would repel by force our seizure of her seamen, unless we ceased that practice. What, then, could be meant by this charge of assassin-like conduct? Really, we seem to have taken into our heads, like the cock on the dunghill, that all the world was made for us; that no nation is to form an alliance, nor even to think of defending itself by its own arms, if we disapprove of it. When our interest, real or imaginary, is in question, the interest of no other nation is to be thought of. The question with America, according to this presumptuous whim, was to be, not whether she suffered injury; but merely whether it was conducive to our interest to impress her sailors. If it was useful to us to do this, she was to deserve annihilation if she did not quietly submit to it, and to all its cruel and degrading consequences.

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She was to stop till our war with him was at an end, before she sought to defend herself.. It was baseness in her to assert her own rights, at the end of many years of complaints, because we were at war with Napoleon.

This insolent language, my Lord, is little calculated to heal the wounds of America. She will, in spite of all we can say, reflect on her past danger, and she must have lost her usual wisdom in profiting from experience, if she does not now seek the means of security betimes. That, with all her natural reluctance to war, she will be disposed to do this I am certain; and, it will, I imagine, require bút a slight provocation to induce her to act npon that disposition. It has been announced to us, that Switzerland has been informed, that there are to be no neutrals in this war against Napoleon. Hamburgh, Tuscany, Genoa, and several other states felt the effects of such a principle during the first war against Republican France. Denmark felt those effects during the last war. America will consider of, and judge from the past; and, your Lordship may be assured, that she will not want the means of doing what her permanent safety shall manifestly demand.

I have thus, my Lord, stated to you what' I think will be the view that the people of America will take of the present scene; what I think will be their feelings; and I have pointed out the consequences, which I apprehend from those feelings, if we enter upon the war against France on the ground which is at present set forth. The Ame

We proceed upon the same notion with regard to alliances amongst foreign powers. What! America make alliances with any power but us! Dreadful presumption! Presumption which merits all the weight of our vengeance! What! America seek safety, when we think it best to keep her in continual danger! America make an alliance for the purpose of defending herself against us, whose public writers, at least, devoted her chief magistrate to the gibbet, and herself to a return under the mild protection of" the PARENT state!"ricans, I repeat, are prone to peace, as Nor are there wanting writers in America to hold the same language; but they are met by men, who are able to contend against them. There the press is free, really free; and, there truth will prevail. A good specimen of this insolent way of talking was given by Sir John Cox Ilipresley, who at a late county-meeting in Somersetshire, said, that the Americans, or at least, their President and the majority of the Congress, were the slaves of the Late tyrant of France, a proof of which they had given in their late war against us. Botley, May 6, 1815. So, because America, in defence of herself, went to war with us, while we were at war against Napoleon, she was to be deemed the slave of Napoleon, who had no power to hurt her, and who had never called on her to go to war in his behalf.

every uncorrupted nation is; but as it was
said, the other evening, that it was better
to go to war now with a strong alliance on
our side, than be compelled to go to war
at the end of an exhausting armed peace
without allies; as this was deemed
triumphant reasoning, in England, in be
half of offensive war, you must not be sur-
prised if it be imitated, in America, in be-
half of a war of defence.
I am, &c., &c.,

WM. COBBETT.

LEGITIMATE SOVEREIGNTY.

MR. COBBETT.-Is not the present preparations for war against France, for the purpose of ousting from the throne of 2

the darling object of their care and protection: a throne like that which exalts and adorns the person of Napoleon, is indeed truly enviable; it stands alone in sterling value; it is a precious unique in these enstaving and enslaved times; it is the throne of a free nation emanating from the sovereignty of the people, and intrusted to the revered and beloved Napoleon as the faithful guardian of civic rights, as the tried and approved repository of the inestimable charge. What will the French profit by this Imperial Constitution of National liberty? Why, instead of being governed by schemes of ancient but exe crated vassalage, it will be ruled by the indefeasible axioms of the rights of man; the legislative authority will originate from the majority of the nation, where alone it legitimately exists. No unequal privileges can be claimed; the rights of the individual are those of the multitude; no distinction can arise in the administration of the laws; the Emperor is the first servant or magistrate of the people, and holds that high office no longer than he shall faithfully fulfil its inseparable duties. This is a scheme novel it must be owned, in these degenerate times. America only. furnishes its counter-part. England has some pretension to its general principle in the provisions of Magna Charta, but the machinations, abuses, and sophistications incident to all social institutions have, through lapse of time, approximated its present government too much to the prevailing systems of Europe, (in which the sovereignty of the people is ridiculed rather than acknowledged and revered) to admit of being any longer likened to the sage and enlightened views of legislation, recognised and adopted in the French and American schemes of government. Napoleon, the author of this enviable ameliora. tion in the French government, and Madison, his American co-partner in political wisdom, have been objects of unceasing aspersions and vilifications. They have been severally denounced and menaced with utter destruction. After the one was overthrown, by the influence of plots and treasons, the other was held to stand in the way of "social order, and

people's confidence and affection, a man who, of all potentates that ever lived, has perhaps the best title to that distinguished situation, truly abominable? The nineteenth century will be for ever disgraced in the page of history for affording au example of a race of men that could have been so criminally abject as to recommend so iniquitous, so servile a piece of treason against the social rights of man. The monstrous injustice of such execrable practice sickens every sense of virtue, and renders life itself almost insufferable. The natural feelings of the human mind, uninfluenced by the immorality, public and private, that has been engendered by the profligacy of the age, must revolt at the spoliating proceedings of modern times. Individual robbery is visited by the penal infliction of the law; but an authority setting itself above all law, will despoil whole nations, will dissolve all ties and obligations on which the moral and social character of man essentially depends, and is not held amenable to any tribunal; nay, is even applauded by the corrupt tools of licentious power as having conducted itself magnanimously! It would be easy to prove that no individual living can assume to himself, in his own right, as all despots avowedly do, the sovereign power. This authority is inherent in the people that may be incorporated into a nation, and cqually emanates from every individual in that social assemblage. For the benefit of the whole, the aggregate of this individual power may be conferred on any person that may be the object of preference, to carry the high authority thus confided into effect for the advantage of the nation. The person exercising this sovereign power is a sovereign legitimately delegated, and may act as such with all the consideration that may be due to the people whose suffrages he represents. Where, but in France, and America are to be found heads of governments of this rightful stamp and authority? The French people in the ardor and gratitude of their love and attachment to Bonaparte have conferred on him an imperial throne: a throne the first in intrinsic worth on the face of the globe, and one, which a generous and high minded nation of thirty" the blessed comforts of religion," and millions of people, it may be fairly hoped, will cause to be duly respected. A throne, that may be truly regarded as the edifice of the people's own creation, must be

even the British government was called on to wield her power against the pestiferous evils of American liberty. The warlike preparations that are at present making,

list for decayed literary hacks. They tell the world, that they do not publish the names of the parties who receive charity. They are very wise in this, for the public would soon see what the real object of the

the persons relieved. In short, this, like almost every other "Charity," as they are called, is neither more nor less than an adjunct of the government, or, rather of the System. What Jacobin, or Jacobin's wife (unless she first betrayed her

have most evidently for their object the destruction of French liberty, overwhelming as that liberty must be, under the able direction of Bonaparte, to countries pining and sinking under the pitiless scourge of what is considered as here.litary and legi-Fond was, if they could see the names of timate slavery. French liberty has a quality in it, with reference to surrounding nations eminently contiguous; its influence must spread. Like the electric fluid, it will diffuse itself. Some nations, indeed, to continue the electric simile, may be more ready conductors of it than others, accord-husband) was ever relieved by any of these ing to natural and acquired capabilities; societies? They are kept up for the purbut none can permanently continue in a pose of keeping the needy in good humour, state of non-conductors of the sacred or of rewarding faithful decayed slaves. principle. JUSTITIA. Here the man who has paid a fortune in taxes often comes, cap in hand, and receives back the means of getting a dinner, It is curious to observe, that the Aristocratic faction in America have resorted to a trick of this sort. They set up, some few years ago, a society, which they called the "Washington Benevolent Society," which, it appears, has branched out all over the country. The object of this trick was to collect little groupes of the most needy and mean-spirited part of the people, and, by the means of donations in money, clothes, books, or medi. cal aid, to attach them to the aspiring rich, and thus to found a sort of affiliation against the Republican government. The name of Washington was taken for the

LITERARY FUND AND WASHING-
TON BENEVOLENT SOCIETY.

I have observed, that, year after year, this institution becomes more like a common charity concern. A parcel of Lords, and other men of purse, take the chair, and take the lead. This last meeting was, I sec, presided over by the Duke of Kent, in the same way as the Lancaster school meetings, and other meetings for the assistance of the poor and miserable. The consequence of this must be, that the poor devil's politics will serve as the measure of the bounty he is to receive. The original design of this fund must be totally over-purpose of deception, and as a party-word, looked. That design, I believe, was to opposed to the name of Jefferson or Maprevent authors from selling their pens; dison, who were thus to be held up as having whereas now, I should suppose, the prin- deviated from the principles of the man, to cipal design to be to purchase the pens of whom American gratitude has given what, authors, or to keep alive poor slaves perhaps, American wisdom and justice whose works are well-meant towards would have given largely, but certainly their patrons, but destitute of the talent with a less prodigal hand. Availing themnecessary to make them sell. I observe, selves of this amiable weakness, these that the Founder's" health was drunk, crafty enemies of their country's freedom but, that the "Founder," Mr. DAVID have been working up the people here and WILLIAMS, was not named.-Mr. David there, by the means of these societies, to Williams wrote some excellent political an opposition to the government. They tracts in support of the principles of free- hold their stated meetings, as our "chudom; he also translated some of the works rities" do. They make speeches, compli of Voltaire on the subject of religion.ment one another, extol the virtues of Never did he expect that his institution Washington, who, though one of the first would tumble into such hands as have of patriots, never was fool enough to benow got hold of it. The truth is, that the stow his money in the making of paupers. scheme was a very good one. Its object, Shut out of the Legislative Assemblies by and its tendency, was to encourage lite- the people's voice, they harrangue at these rary merit, and to make authors honest meetings, and thus continue to keep themand independent; but it has now mani-selves in wind. Silly as the thing is, howfestly been converted into a sort of poor- ever, in itself, I would have the Ameri

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