- rulers and laws by which they were to be governed. Louis XVIII. was as much the legitimate heir to the Crown of England as France, being in some degree related to the Stuarts. He contended, amidst loud groans, hissing, and interruption, which continued some time, that war was unjust and impolitic.-Mr. Thompson, auother vehement orator, supported the Resolutions, and eulogized his friend Mr. Waithman.-Mr. S. Dixon opposed the sentiments averse to war. The advocates of Bonaparte were so deluded by their idol, that they lost all recollection that he was a man who had never kept one engagement in his life. He was a man who had violated every oath, every declaration he had made. Would any man among them make a contract with a person who had broken his faith as Bonaparte had? He expressed a hope that the Livery of London would not disgrace themselves by agreeing to the resolutions, which would prove a precious morsel for Bonaparte and his friends. He protested against the resolutions. A most violent clamour again rendered the appearance of the Chief Magistrate necessary. The Lord Mayor having again restored order, Mr. Dixon concluded by recommending the Livery to oppose a proceeding established on theory and abstract reasoning. Mr. Flower (a printer) entered a long train of objections to the conduct of the Allied Sovereigns. The Emperor of Austria had been as much the enemy of his country as Bonaparte, and by breaking his treaties, had shewn himself actuated by the same policy as his son-in-law. Having contended that the French had the right of making their own rules and rulers, he gave his support to the resolutions. Mr. Waithman made a reply. The resolutions were then read and agreed to by a large majority of hands. It was next agreed, that the resolutions should be embodied in a Petition to be presented to the House of Commons by the City Members. Mr. Waithman then moved the Thanks of the Meeting to the Lord Mayor, for his readiness in granting the Meeting, &c.; and the same being unanimously carried, the Lord Mayor returned thanks. Mr. Hunt then moved the Thanks of the Meeting to Mr. Waithman, for the able manner in which he had conducted the business of the day. Mr. Thompson seconded resources were ample to maintain any contest in which our honour and real interests were felt to be at stake, he was well convinced (loud cheering); but it was necessary that there should be an unanimity on the point, which did not appear to exist on the present subject. Mr. Perring considered that there was but one safe course to pursue which was to be prepared :for whatever other Gentlemen might think, he suspected Bonaparte, notwithstanding all his professions of moderation, and he should as soon expect the Ethiopian to change his skin or the leopard his spots, as that Bonaparte would prove different from what the last twenty years had shewn him to be. He gave his assent to the proposed Resolutions so far as they went to prevent the country being precipitated into a war, of the policy of which he confessed himself doubtful.--Mr. Hunt, of Bristol, gave his decided support to the Resolutions, and contended with uncommon assurance, that there was no pretence for war. French messengers had proved that the intentions of France were peaceable; they were ready to abide by the peace of Paris; although it was forced on them, they were willing to continue at peace on those terms. It was his opinion, if the war was renewed, that it would be a war of unjust aggression. It was a war to set the Bourbons on the throne. Some years ago a crusade was undertaken by the Powers of Europe against the rights of man, and if the people went to war now it would be for the same object. He denied that Louis the Eighteenth was the legitimate King of France. He was descended from Hugh Capet, who forfeited the throne; the people having decreed that the Bourbons should cease to reign, none of that House could be called legitimate heirs to the crown. The people had not only the right of dethroning kings, but of taking off their heads, if they despised the laws. The people of England not only took off the head of Charles the First, but drove the Stuarts from the throne. The Sovereigns of England had since held their government by law. They were legitimate sovereigns, but if they were to disobey the laws of the people they govern, and were deprived by the nation of their rights, they would cease to be legitimate. The people had the sole and absolute right of electing the motion, which was carried; and, after a speech in return from Mr. Waithman, the Common Hall was dissolved. The proceedings on this occasion (concludes the reporter) were of the most clamorous description, and Guildhall was not unlike a bear-garden. LIST OF THE MINORITY ON MR. WHITBREAD'S MOTION FOR PEACE. Abercrombie, Hn. J. Aubrey, Sir John LIST OF THE MINORITY IN THE HOUSE Barnard, Viscount Bewick, C. Brand, Hon. Thos. Langton, W. G. Maddox, W. A. Martin, J. Martin, H. Monck, Sir C. Moore, Peter Mackintosh, Sir J. Newport, Sir J. Osborne, Lord F. Pierse, H. Phillips, G. Byng, George Buller, James Piggott, Sir A, Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to. the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVII. No. 19.]. LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 13, 1815. [Price 1s. 577] LETTER VII. To the EARL of LIVERPOOL, On the part which America is likely to take in a War between England and France. [578 subject. I shall here deal in prophecies again; and shall not be at all afraid of proving, in the end, to have been a false prophet. You appear to me now to be in a very fair way of adding another six hundred millions to our debt, and of bringing the guinea up to forty shillings, instead of twenty-eight shillings, at which point it is now arrived. I wish to prevent this; and, if I do not succeed, I shall, at any rate, have these pages to refer to, when the mischief has taken place, and when few besides myself will be able to say that they did all in their power to prevent it. I am of opinion, that France alone is now, as she was in 1793, more than a match for the coalition against her. But, I am further of opinion, that, before the war against her be six months old, you will see America taking a part in it, unless you carefully abstain from every thing that can be construed into a violation of neutral maritime rights. MY LORD, From several parts of America I have received thanks for my Letters to your Lordship on the subject of the American war. The people in America think, or, at least, many of them think, that those Letters had great weight in producing the peace of Ghent, than which you and your colleagues never adopted any measure more wise nor in better time. Yet, you have never thanked me for my advice. You, to whom the peace was much more necessary than to Mr. MADISON, have never acknowledged your obligations to me. You have appeared to be sulky with me, though I taught you so exactly what to do, in order to avoid the great evils which were coming War, or peace, with America, will deupon you from all quarters. The conse-pend upon the opinions of the people in quences of the American war were fore-that country. The people there are really told by me nearly two years before the and truly represented in the Congress. war began. I told you that you would There are no vile sham elections in the have war, if you persevered in seizing United States. That which the people men on board of American ships on the wills will be done. The Americans are a high seas. You did persevere; and you sensible people; they all read from a press had war. I told you that the Americans which is really free; they discuss all poliwould beat you in fighting, if you con- tical matters freely. They love peace; tinued the war for two years. You con- they would prefer peace; they would tinued the war, and they did beat you. make some sacrifices to peace; but they I told you, that you would never have will never hesitate a moment in preferring peace, if demanded any you concession war to slavery or dependance. from America. You insisted on great concessions on her part as a sine qua non of peace; and, after three months more, you made peace by giving up every thing, not excepting the sine qua non itself. In short, you expended fifty millions of money, and lost, I dare say, thirty thousand men, in accomplishing nothing, except creating a navy in America, causing her manufactures to flourish, and implanting in the hearts of Americans, for ages, a hatred of the English government. 4 Now, then, what is likely to be the view which the Americans will take of the present scene in Europe? And what are likely to be their feelings with regard to what is passing in this quarter of the world? It is very easy for our corrupt press to per suade the alarmed and selfish part of England that it is necessary to plunge the country into war, in order to root out the present government of France. But, it will not be so easy for any body to persuade the American people that such an I remind you of these things, in order undertaking is just. They will see the matto bespeak your attention on the presentter in its true light. They will see that T Napóleon has been replaced at the head of the government by the will of the people of France; they will see that he has had the wisdom and virtue to abandon his ambitious projects; they will see that he has voluntarily confined himself within the ancient limits of France; they will see that he has tendered the olive branch to all surrounding nations; they will see that he means to contend solely for the independence of France; they will see that he has returned, as nearly as circumstances will permit, to the principles of 1789; Having seen all these things; having they will see that he has provided for the seen what we and our Allies have been at 'people being really represented in the Le-in every part of Europe; having seen that gislature; they will see that there is to be no religious persecution, and no predominant church in France; they will see that the French people have derived great benefits from the revolution, and that now all these benefits are to be confirmed to them; in France they will see a free people, and in Napoleon they will see the Soldier of Freedom. of the alledged traitors took shelter in Gibraltar, they were given up to their hunters, and that when complaint of this was made in our parliament, the reply was, that "we had no right to interfere in the domestic affairs of Spain." The Americans will ask, why this principle is not applied to the domestic affairs of France. They will ask, not for vile, foul-mouthed abuse of Napoleon and the French people; but for some proof of our right to interfere against him. On the other hand, they will ask what right England, or any other power, can have to interfere in the internal affairs of France; they will ask why England should not treat with him now as Tim as well as at Amiens; why not treat well as with the Directory at Lille. They will ask why England should refuse to treat with him, from whom she received the Islands of Ceylon and Trinidad. They will ask what can be the real object, the ultimate object, of a coalition of those powers who were assembled at Vienna, and who were disposing of states at their pleasure. the people of France is the only people in Europe living under a government approaching towards a resemblance to their own, they will want very little to assist them in forming a correct opinion as to the real object of the war against France, if such war should now, without provocation on the part of France, be resolved on. T It appears to me, therefore, that the American people will, at least, feel great interest in this war, much greater than they felt in the last war; and, that as they have in defence of their maritime rights, they just laid down their arms, after a contest will, the moment they hear of this war, prepare again for that defence. America, in all likelihood, will again be the only neutral nation. There will be no Milan and Berlin Decrees to give a pretence for Orders in Council. So that, if we trench upon her rights, her ground of war will be cleared of all confusion. She will stand upon her indisputable rights. And, The Americans have seen the republic if she be left in the full and free enjoyment of Genoa given to the King of Sardinia; of her advantages as a neutral power, she they have seen Poland parcelled out be will carry on three-fourths of the comtween Prussia, Russia, and Austria; they merce of the world. Our cruizers may have seen the fleet of Denmark taken keep at sea, but it will be only to witness away; they have seen the people of the the increase of her mercantile marine, and Republic of Holland sunk into the sub-all the proofs of her wonderful prosperity. jects of a King; they have seen the Re-France will receive all that she wants from public of Venice transferred to the Em-foreign countries by American ships. Amer peror of Austria; they have seen the Pope replaced with the Jesuits at his heels; they have seen, that, in Spain, where a free constitution had been formed by men who had been fighting on our side, the King has been brought back; that he has destroyed this Constitution; that he has treated the makers of it as traitors; "that he has reestablished the inquisition which Napoleon had abolished; that when two rica will supply her with colonial produce, and with certain articles of manufacture. The latter will, through the same channel, find an outlet for much of her abundant produce. These two countries will become much more closely connected thaa ever, and we should come out of the war shorn of our means, while the means of all sorts of America would be found to be prodigiously increased, But, my Lord, is it quite certain that to the well-governing of other nations. the people of America would not feel When they saw the fleet called upon offistrongly disposed to take part in this war cially by the Lords of the Admiralty to against us? They see that France is the finish the American war in such a way as only country left with a government re- would insure the LASTING TRẮNsembling their own. Great as is their dis- | QUILLITY OF THE CIVILIZED tance from Europe, they have felt, that, WORLD. When they heard the Engwhen left to be dealt with single-handed, lish prints call upon the people of New their very existence, as an independant England to separate themselves from the nation, was put iu jeopardy. There were Union. When they heard it predicted, many persons in America, who loudly in these prints, that Mr. MADISON would blamed the President, Washington, for be put to death, and that the people would not taking part with the French, even form a connection with the PARENT when America had not a single public ship state. And, when, upon the heels of all of war. They reasoned thus:--that Eng- these predictions and threats, they saw an land was, from the nature of her force, as army actually sent off from France to well as the situation of her dominions, the fight against America; when they saw that only enemy that America had to fear; identical army, which had been engaged that she had never ceased to demonstrate against Napoleon, sent to invade America a hostile mind towards America; that she by the way of Lake Champlain; when Saw in America not only a successful they saw the war of fire and plunder carexample of democratic revolution, but a ried on upon their sea-coast. When those dangerous rival in commerce and maritime who were for war on the side of the power; that she only waited for a favour- French Republic, in 1793, saw all there able moment to use all her force to crush things in 1814, how they must have trithis rising rival; and, therefore, it was umphed! less dangerous to declare, at once, for the Republic of France, and make common cause with her, than to wait the issue of the contest, in which, if France should fall, America could not long survive without, at least, another long and bloody war upon her own soil. America must feel great confidence in herself from her past achievements. The skill and bravery of her seamen and landtroops must give her great confidence. But, there is no man who reflects (and the Americans are a reflecting people) who will not perceive, that, with all her valour This was the reasoning against neutra- and all her virtue, America has had a very lity in 1793. How these reasoners must narrow escape; and, that, if all had beca have triumphed in 1814! When they quite settled in Europe, she would have saw all ground of dispute between Eng- had to carry on a much longer and more land and America removed by the close bloody contest. It cannot but be evident of the war in Europe. When they saw, to the American Statesman, that, if France that, instead of this producing in England were to be completely subdued; if she a disposition to make peace, it only pro- were reduced to that state to be obliged duced redoubled activity in the war. When to receive a ruler dictated by us and our they read, in the very same English news-allics; if her hands and feet were thus papers that told them of the abdication of Napoleon, that NOW, NOW, NOW! was the happy moment for crushing America; for putting an end to "the existence of the mischievous example of democratic rebellion" exhibited in the American Union. When they heard their President and the majority of the Congress denominated, in these same papers rebels and traitors." When they saw, in the report of a speech of a Lord of the Admiralty, that Mr. MADISON was to be deposed, as Napoleon had been deposed. When they It has not been forgotten in America, saw the breaking up of the American that, directly after the abdication of NaUnion represented as absolutely necessarypoleon, there appeared an article in our tied for ages; and, if the situation of all Europe were such as to leave the whole undivided power of England to be employed against America, the situation of the latter would be, at least, very unpleasant, not to say precarious. And, if such a person considers what were the real objects of England in 1814, the manner in which the war terminated, and what an excellent memory she has, he must be a bold man indeed if he feel no apprehensions at the total subjugation of France. |