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resources were ample to maintain any contest in which our honour and real interests were felt to be at stake, he was well convinced (loud cheering); but it was necessary that there should be an unanimity on the point, which did not appear to exist on the present subject. Mr. Perring considered that there was but one safe course to pursue—which was to be prepared:— for whatever other Gentlemen might think, he suspected Bonaparte, notwithstanding all his professions of moderation, and he should as soon expect the Ethiopian to change his skin or the leopard his spots, as that Bonaparte would prove different from what the last twenty years had shewn him to be. He gave his assent to the proposed Resolutions so far as they went to prevent the country being precipitated into a war, of the policy of which he confessed himself doubtful.--Mr. Hunt, of Bristol, gave his decided support to the Resolutions, and contended with uncommon assurance, that there was no pretence for war. French messengers had proved that the intentions of France were peaceable; they were ready to abide by the peace of Paris; although it was forced on them, they were willing to continue at peace on those terms. It was his opinion, if the war was renewed, that it would be a war of unjust aggression. It was a war to set the Bourbons on the throne. Some years ago a crusade was undertaken by the Powers of Europe against the rights of man, and if the people went to war now it would be for the same object. He denied that Louis the Eighteenth was the legitimate King of France. He was descended from Hugh Capet, who forfeited the throne; the people having decreed that the Bourbons should cease to reign, none of that House could be called legitimate heirs to the crown. The people had not only the right of dethroning kings, but of taking off their heads, if they despised the laws. The people of England not only took off the head of Charles the First, but drove the Stuarts from the throne. The Sovereigns of England had since held their government by law. They were legitimate sovereigns, but if they were to disobey the laws of the people they govern, and were deprived by the nation of their rights, they would cease to be legitimate. The people

had the sole and absolute right of decies

rulers and laws by which they were to be governed. Louis XVIII. was as much the legitimate heir to the Crown of England as France, being in some degree related to the Stuarts. He contended, amidst loud groans, hissing, and interruption, which continued some time, that war was unjust and impolitic.—Mr. Thompson, another vehement orator, supported the Resolutions, and eulogized his friend Mr. Waithman.—Mr. S. Dixon opposed the sentiments averse to war. The advocates of Bonaparte were so deluded by their idol, that they lost all recollection that he was a man who had never kept one engagement in his life. He was a man who had violated every oath, every declaration he had made. Would any man among them make a contract with a person who had broken his faith as Bonaparte had : He expressed a hope that the Livery of London would not disgrace themselves by agreeing to the resolutions, which would prove a precious morsel for Bonaparte and his friends. He protested against the resolutions. A most violent clamour again rendered the appearance of the Chief Magistrate necessary. The Lord Mayor having again restored order, Mr. Dixon concluded by recommending the Livery to oppose a proceeding established on theory and abstract reasoning. Mr. Flower (a printer) entered a long train of objections to the conduct of the Allied Sovereigns. The Emperor of Austria had been as much the enemy of his country as Bonaparte, and by breaking his treaties, had shewn himself actuated by the same policy as his son-in-law. Having contended that the French had the right of making their own rules and rulers, he gave his support to the resolutions. Mr. Waithman made a reply. The resolutions were then read and agreed to by a large majority of hands. It was next agreed, that the resolutions should be embodied in a Petition to be presented to the House of Commons by the City Members. Mr. Waithman then moved the Thanks of the Meeting to the Lord Mayor, for his readiness in granting the Meeting, &c.; and the same being unanimously carried, the Lord Mayor returned thanks. Mr. IIunt then moved the Thanks of the Meeting to Mr. Waithman, for the able manner in which he had conducted the business of the day. Mr. Thompson seconded

the motion, which was carried; and, after a speech in return from Mr. Waithman, the Common Hall was dissolved. The proceediugs on this occasion (concludes the reporter) were of the most claimorous description, and Guildhall was not unlike a bear-garden.




Abercrombie, Hon. J. Kemp, —

Burdett, Sir F.
Byng, G.
Baring, H.
Berkeley, H.
Bennett, Hon. H.
Baring, Sir T.
Barham, J. F.
Broadhurst, J.
Brand, Hon. T.
Calvert, C.
Cavendish, Ld. G.
Cavendish Charles,
Calcraft, Jn.
Drake, W. S.
Fitzroy, Ld. Jn.
Ferguson, Sir R.
Lefevre, Shaw
Finlay, K.
Forbes, Ch.
Grant, P. -
Gordon, Wm.
Guise, Sir William
Gascoigne, Gen.
Gaskell, B.
Hornby, Edward
Horner, F.
Hammersley, H.
Hamilton, Ld. A.
Jervoise, G. P.

TELLERs–Alderman Atkins and Sir William

King, Sir J. D.
Littleton, Hon. H.
Lubbock, Jn.
Martin, J.
Milton, Ld.
Montgomery, Sir H.
Newport, Sir J.
Neville, Hon. —
Nugent, Ld.
Osborne, Lord F.
Preston, R.
Hon. G.
Proby, Ld.
Phillips, G.
Protheroe, E.
Rowley, Sir Wm.
Ridley, Sir M. W.
Robinson, A.
Smith, W.
Smyth, J. H.
Smith, R.
Scudamore, R.


Tierney, Rt. Hon. G.

Tavistock, Marquis
Whitbread, S.
Wortley, Sh.
Wellesley, H.
Wilkins, W.

Althorpe, Lord
Atherley, Arthur
Aubrey, Sir John
Astell, William
Barnard, Wiscount
Bewick, C.
Birch, Joseph
Brand, Hon. Thos.

| Byng, George

Buller, James
Burdett, Sir F.
Calvert, Charles
Cavendish, Ld. G.
Cavendish, Henry
Cavendish, Charles
Chaloner, R.
Coke, Thomas
Campbell, Hon. J.
Carew, R.S.
Dundas, Charles
Dundas, Mon. L.
Duncannon, Vist.
Ferguson, Sir R.

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Langton, W. G.
Maddox, W. A.

Martin, J.

Martin, H.

Monck, Sir C.
Moore, Peter -
Mackintosh, Sir J.

Montgomery, Sir H. |
Newport, Sir J. o
Osborne, Lord F-

Pierse, H.

Phillips, G.

Piggott, Sir A,
Prittie, Hon. F. A.
Plumer, W. -
Ponsonby, Right Hn. G.
Pym, Francis
Paullet, Honourable H.
Ramsden, S.C.
Romilly, Sir S.
Rowley, Sir Wm.
Scudamore, R. P.
Smyth, J. H.

Foley, Hon. A. Smith, W. i {
Foley, Col. T. Smith, J.
Gordon, R. Seabright, Sir J. i
Grant, J. P. Tavistock, Marquis l
Guise, Sir William Taylor, M. Angelo - }
Horner, F. Tierney, Rt. Hon. G.
Halsey, J. Wellesley, R. |
Hornby, Edward Western, C. C. : ,
Howorth, H. Wharton, John - | t
Latouche, R. Whitbread, S. t
Iittleton, Hon. W. Wilkins, Walter - I
Leach, J. Winnington, Sir E. !
Lemon, Sir W. Webster, Sir G. t
TELLERs, Hon. H. Bennett and Sir M. Ridley. t

PAIREI) of }
Frankland, T. Stanley, Lord M

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Swann, Henry

Curtis. Neville, Hon. R. l


- - h Printed and Published by G. Houston, No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to in the Editor, are requested to be forwarded. |

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Vol. XXVII. No. 19.]

. Letters to your Lordship on the subject of

rica think, or, at least, many of them think, that those Letters had great weight

which you and your colleagues never

- * * * *


LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 13, 1815. [Price is.

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On the part which America is likely to take in a War between England and France.

My Lord, From several parts of America I have received thanks for my

the American war. The people in Ame

in producing the peace of Ghent, than

adopted any measure more wise nor in better time. Yet, you have never thanked me for my advice. You, to whom the }. was much more necessary than to Mr. MADison, have never acknowledged your obligations to me. You have appeared to be sulky with me, though I taught you so exactly what to do, in order to avoid the great evils which were coming aipon you from all quarters. The conseluences of the American war were foretold by me nearly two years before the war began. I told you that you would have war, if you persevered in seizing men on board of American ships on the high seas. You did persevere; and you had war. I told you that the Americans would beat you in fighting, if you continued the war for two years. You continued the war, and they did beat you. I told you, that you would never have peace, if you demanded any concession from America. You insisted on great concessions on her part as a sine qua non of peace; and, after three months more, you made peace by giving up every thing, not excepting the sine qua non itself. In short, you expended fifty millions of money, and lost, I dare say, thirty thousand men, in accomplishing nothing, except creating a navy in America, causing her manufactures to flourish, and implanting in the hearts of Americans, for ages, a hatred of the English government. I remind you of these things, in order

match for the coalition against her.

to bespeak your attention on the present

subject. I shall here deal in prophecies again; and shall not be at all afraid of proving, in the end, to have been a false prophet. You appear to me now to be in a very fair way of adding another six hundred millions to our debt, and of bringing the guinea up to forty shillings, instead of twenty-eight shillings, at which point it is now arrived. I wish to prevent this; and, if I do not succeed, I shall, at any rate, have these pages to refer to, when the mischief has taken place; and when few besides myself will be able to say that they did all in their power to prevent it. I am of opinion, that France alone is now, as she was in 1793, more than a But, I am further of opinion, that, before the war against her be six months old, you will see America taking a part in it, unless you carefully abstain from every thing that can be construed into a violation of neutral maritime rights. War, or peace, with America, will depend upon the opinions of the people in that country. The people there are really and truly represented in the Congress. There are no vile sham elections in the United States. That which the people wills will be done. The Americans are a sensible people; they all read from a press which is really free; they discuss all political matters freely. They love peace; they would prefer peace; they would make some sacrifices to peace; but they will never hesitate a moment in preferring war to slavery or dependance. Now, then, what is likely to be the view

which the Americans will take of the pre

sent scene in Europe? And what are likely to be their feelings with regard to what is passing in this quarter of the world? It is very easy for eur corrupt press to persuade the alarmed and selfish part of England that it is necessary to plunge the country into war, in order to root out the present government of France. But, it will not be so easy for any body to persuade the American people that such an undertaking is just. They will see the matter in its true light. They will see that I'

Napoleon has been replaced at the head of the government by the will of the people of France; they will see that he has had the wisdom and virtue to abandon his ambitious projects; they will see that he has voluntarily confined himself within the ancient limits of France; they will see that he has tendered the olive branch to all surrounding nations; they will see that he means to contend solely for the independence of France; they will see that he has returned, as o, as circumstances will permit, to the princlples of 1789; they will see that he has provided for the people being really represented in the Legislature; they will see that there is to be no religious persecution, and no predominant church in France; they will see that the French people have derived great benefits from the revolution, and that now all these benefits are to be confirmed to them; in France they will see a free people, and in Napoleon they will see the Soldier of Freedom. On the other hand, they will ask what right England, or any other power, can * have to interfere in the internal affairs of

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they have seen Poland parcelled out be

tween Prussia, Russia, and Austria; they have seen the fleet of Denmark taken away; they have seen the people of the Republic of Holland sunk into the subjects of a King; they have seen the Republic of Venice transferred to the Emperor of Austria; they have seen the Pope Teplaced with the Jesuits at his heels; they have seen, that, in Spain, where a free constitution had been formed by men who had been fighting, on our side, the 'King has been brought back; that he has destroyed this Constitution; that he has eated the makers of it as traitors; that stablished the inquisition which łed; that when two **.

of the alledged traitors took shelter in Gibraltar, they were given up to their hunters, and that when complaint of this was made in our parliament, the reply was, that “we had no right to interfere in the domestic affairs of Spain.” The Americans will ask, why this principle is not applied to the domestic affairs of France. They will ask, not for vile, foul-mouthed abuse of Napoleon and the French people; but for some proof of our right to interfere against him. Having seen all these things; having seen what we and our Allies have been at in every part of Europe; having seen that the people of France is the only people in Europe living under a government approaching towards a resemblance to their own, they will want very little to assist them in forming a correct opinion as to the real object of the war against France, if such war should now, without provocation on the part of France, be resolved On. It appears to me, therefore, that the American people will, at least, feel greatinterest in this war, much greater than they felt in the last war; and, that as they have just laid down their arms, after a contest in defence of their maritime rights, they will, the moment they hear of this war, prepare again for that defence. America, in all likelihood, will again be the only neutral nation. *There in be no Milazz and Berlin Decrees to give a pretence for Orders in Council. So that, if we trench upon her rights, her ground of war wiłł be cleared of all confusion. She wiri 'stand upon her indisputable rights. And, if she be left in the full and free enjoyment of her advantages as a neutral power, she "will carry on three-fourths of the commerce of the world. Our cruizers may keep at sea, but it will be only to witness the increase of her mercantile sharine, and all the proofs of her wonderful prosperity. France will receive all that she wants from foreign countries by Americanships. Ame. tica will supply her with colonial produce, and with certain articles of manufacture. The latter will, through the same chamnel, find an outlet for much of her abundant produce. These two countries will become much more closely connected thaa ever, and we should come out of the war shorn of our means, while the means of ałł sorts of Ameries would be found to be prodigiously increased,


But, my Lord, is it quite certain that the people of America would not feel strongly disposed to take part in this war against us? They see that France is the only country left with a government resembling their own. Great as is their distance from Europe, they have felt, that, when left to be dealt with single-handed, their very existence, as an independant nation, was put in jeopardy. There were many persons in America, who loudly blamed the President, Washington, for not taking part with the French, even when America had not a single public ship of war. They reasoned thus:--that England was, from the nature of her force, as well as the situation of her dominions, the only enemy that America had to fear; that she had never ceased to demonstrate a hostile mind towards America; that she saw in America not only a successful example of democratic revolution, but a dangerous rivăţ in commerce and maritime power; that she only waited for a favourable moment to use all her force to crush this rising rival; and, therefore, it was less dangerous to declare, at once, for the Republic of France, and make common cause with her, than to wait the issue of the contest, in which, if France should fall,” America. could not long survive without, at least, another long and bloody war upon her own soil. This was the reasoning against neutrality in 1793. How these reasoners must have triumphed in 1814! When they - saw all ground of dispute between England and America removed by the close of the war in Europe. When they saw, that, instead of this producing in England a disposition to make peace, it only produced redoubledactivity in the war. When ... they read, in the very same English newsK. that told them of the abdication of Napoleon, that NOW, NOW, NOW! was the happy moment for crushing America; for putting an end to “the existence of the mischievous example of democratic rebellion” exhibited in the American . Union. When they heard their President and the majority of the Congress denominated, in these same papers “rebels and , traitors.” When they saw, in the report of a speech of a Lord of the Admiralty, that Mr. MApisox was to be deposed, as

... Napoleon had been deposed. When they |

to the well-governing of other nations. When they saw the sleet called upon officially by the Lords of the Admiralty to finish the American war in such a way as would insure the LASTING TRANQUI LLITY OF THE CIVILIZED WORLD. When they heard the English prints call upon the people of New England to separate themselves from the Union. When they heard it predicted. in these prints, that Mr. MADIsoN would be put to death, and that the people would

form a connection with the PARENT

state. And, when, upon the heels of all these predictions and threats, they saw an army actually sent off from France to fight against America; when they saw that identical army, which had been engaged against Napoleon, sent to invade America by the way of Lake Champlain; when they saw the war of fire and plunder carried on upon their sea-coast. ... When those who were for war on the side of the French Republic, in H793, saw all these things in 1814, how they must have triumphed America must feel great confidence in herself. from her past achievements. The skill and bravery of her seamen and landtroops must give her great confidence. But, there is no man who reflects (and the

Americans are a reflecting people) who

will not perceive, that, with all her valour and all her virtue, America has had a very narrow escape; and, that, if all had bec: quite settled in Europe, she would have had to carry on a much longer and more bloody contest. It cannot but be evident to the American Statesman, that, if France were to be completely subdued; if she were reduced to that state to be obliged to receive a ruler dictated by us and our allies; if her hands and feet were thus tied for ages; and, if the situation of all Europe were such as to leave the whole andivided power of England to be employed against America, the situation of the latter would be, at least, very unpleasant, not to say precarious. And, if such a person considers what were the real objects of England in 1814, the manner in which the war terminated, and what an excellent memory she has, he must be a bold man

|indeed if he feel no apprehensions at the

total subjugation of France. It has not been forgotten in America.

, saw the breaking up of the American, Union represented as absolutely necessary.

that, directly after the abdication of Napoleon, there appeared an article in out

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