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Is this nothing Is it nothing to hear the Chief Magistrate of a country say: “ let “my calumniators alone; let the traitors “to freedom and America proceed; I rely “on the good sense and the virtue of the “People ; the cause is the people's, and “they wis' be my defenders 2" Is this, too, nothing gained 2 Yes, it is a gain, mot only to America but to mankind; for who will now be impudent enough to assert, that political freedam, that religious freedom, that a press wholly uncontrouled, are incompatible with national safety in times of war? Who, upon the ground of a probability of invasion, will call for a suspension of the laws made for the security of men's liberty and lives, when the world has now seen the Republic of America declared in a state of rigorous blockade, mighty fleets and armies at the mouths of her haibours and rivers, her soil invaded at several points, her towns and villages bombarded or plundered, and her capital itself in flames, without producing the suspension, even for an hour, of any iaw, and without arresting or diverting the ordinary and gentle course of justice for a single moment 2 I need say no more.

Here is the ob.

ject on which the friend of freedom will

rivet his eyes. Here is a dagger to the heart of tyranny; and, as such, it is worthy of being presented to you. The total overthrow of the Aristocratical Faction in America; an immense emigration to that country; her consequently rapid increase of population and power; the creation of a great maritime force in the Republic; the independence of South America. These are amongst the consequences to be expected; but that consequence which I consider of more importance than all the rest, is, the benefit which the cause of freedom will receive from the example of America, now become so conspicuous a nation. Away now, with all their trumpery about Poland, and Saxony, and Belgium, and the Congress of Vienna Let then do what they like with the Germans and the Cossacks, and the Dutch ; let them divide them and subdivide them in any manner that they please; let them whisker them or knight them according to their fancy. We can now look to growing millions of free and enlightened citizens, descended from the same ancestors, and speaking the same language, with ourselves, inhabiting an extensive and fertile country, tendering food and freedom to the miserato, and oppressed of

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AMERICA.

MR. ConBETT.—According to my estimate of the value of public writings it is, and has been long, my firm persuasion, that your WEEKLY REGISTER has already effected, and will ultimately accomplish, more towards enlightening mankind on their true political and moral rights, than all the other productions of the press put together. The originality of your views; the extent and importance of your facts; the luminous correctness of your speculations; and the peculiarly energetic force of your style, unite to render you an author most eminently and usefully instructive.— May your valuable life and health be long preserved, for the furtherance of all that is most dear and estimable in humán exis

tence. The observations with which you

are at present elucidating the political state of America, and the British contest with that nation, must be read by all who are not determined to be deceived, or who are not destitute of the commonest characteristics of human reason, with the utmost gratification. It is impossible to view facts placed in the clear light in which you are weekly exhibiting them, without rejoicing that such a writer as yourself exists, and that so fair an opportunity is afforded to all who can read, to know correctly the real condition and circumstances of the American contest. That a large majority of the British nation is, as it were, identified with the Covernment, and would be identified with any Government that had equal patronage in its disposal, there can be no doubt.— Persons so situated, are not to be reasoned with ; they will listen to no argument, but will bluster, blunder, and calumniate, until they conceive they have effectually borne down all opposition to their preconceived and predetermined vices. American bravery is their horror, and American triumph the real torment of these insatuated and all but enfuriated people. Although they grumble at the Property Tax, they begin to speak in the language of Alderman Curtis, that the grievances of that impost must be enduled until the

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Yankees shall have been “confoundedly “flogged.” They fondly imagine that another year's Property Tax, or the expenditure of about fifteen millions, will secure British Tories the enviable triumph of this flagellation. Could I remove, Sir, with all those who coincide with me in opinion on this subject, from this land of flogging and flogged people, it would be to site most ample revenge to have the abettors of this flogging scheme compelled to pay the Property Tax, the price of the flogging, until that Aldermanic castigation shall have been actually inflicted. Happy America and thrice happy Americans, who are too enlightened, too free, and too brave, ever to be liable to the pedagogal vengeance of a degenerated and fallen ople. AN ADMIRER of AMERICAN %. 1814. REPUBLICANISM.

ST. Domingo.—While our unprincipled

press was busily employed in proclaiming a crusade against freedom, and its partisans in America, it now appears, if the annexed documents are authentic, that a scheme, equally diabolical, to destroy every vestige of Hiberty in the world, was entertained by the fell fiends of corruption. At least, such a scheme, it must be believed, existed some where, if these documents are not proved to be forgeries. The Coorier and the Times have published them as genuine, though the latter pretends that the project was “totally dissonant from the senti“ments impressed on the mind of Louis “XVIII. by education.” Who ever heard of the sentiments inculcated on the mind of any Prince, affording a complete security that he would mever outrage humanity ? or who will say that a virtuous education ought to screen him from censure, should the conduct of his Ministers, or agents acting by his authority, be inconsistent with the principles of justice 2 —As to what the Times calls “the base “lie which imputed the suggestion of “such infernal wickedness to British coun“cils,” I have only at present to say, that I trust this will be made manifest to all the world, and that some more respectable channel will be employed for that purpose, than the prostituted and polluted columns of that newspaper. The following are the documents : — - Ki NGOOM OF HAYTI. .*sinutes of the Sittings of the Council Cencral of the JY'alion. w This day, the 21st of October, 1814. the lith year of the independence of

Hayti, and 4th of his Majesty's reign, the grand dignitaries, the civil administrative, and military officers of the kingdom, were convoked in a Council Extraordinary, at the palace of San-souci, to take into consideration the documents which it pleased the King, our Sovereign, to submit to their consideration.—The said officers, in full dress, were introduced and placed according to their respective ranks, by the Baron Sicard, Master of the Ceremonies. His Majesty, our august Sovereign, soon after entered the Hall, having on his left his Royal Highness the Prince Royal, and preceded by the Great Officers of the Crown; he was saluted on al{ sides by acclamations of //ive le Roy His Majesty, having taken his seat on the throne, delivered the following discourse –“ Haytians,—We have assembled you in a General Council of the nation, in order to 'communicate to you certain letters and papers, which we have received from the 'French General Dauxion Lavaysse, the envoy of his Majesty Louis XVIII. Haytians, deliberate on these writings with that calmness and wisdom which befit frcemen, who have conquered their independence at the expence of their blood. Meditate upon ihem, in fine, in a manner befilling functionaries who represent the nation, and who, in that capacity, have to pronounce on its fate, and on the dearest interests of their fellow-citizens.”— The Count Limonade, Secretary of State, Minister for Forcign Affairs, then read the following documents :

Letter of General Paltrion Zaraysse, dated Aïngston, Oct I. 1814, and addressed to General Henry Christophe, Sul reme Head of the Governincut of the JW orth of Hayti. “ General,—You have been informed of the important mission with which I have been entrusted to your Excellency; and on arriving here it was my intention to address you and General Petion simultaneously : for I am not come, as you well know, as a messenger of discord, but as the precursor of peace and reconciliation. A few days after my arrival here, 1, as well as my companion on the voyage, Mr. Draveman, paid the usual tribute to the climate ; and I have here found only one man in whom I could place confidence to aid me with his pen as Secretary. However, I have communicated with some cstimable persons, who, I am assured, possess your confidence, and who have confirmed what fame had already taught me of you. . But before communicating directly with your Excellency, it becomes my duty to obtain the most accurate information with regard to you, and as to every thing which it is of importance for my mission to learn ; and I confess, with pleasure, to your Excellency, that all that I now know, has added greatly to my hopes, and encouraged me to address you with the frankness of a soldier, " and with that interest which cannel be refused to those who have followed the military career. The virtuous King, who is at last re

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scored to France, --that King, equally admible for the firmness and the mildness of ! s character, for the extent of his intelfence, and his contempt of every illiberal | rejudice,—--Louis XVIII, lamented more than any one the atrocious measures clopted against General Toussaint at the ... ace of 1802. That Chief, loyal and en'izhtened, had, with almost the whole of the inhabitants of Hayti, taken up arms in fayour of the royal cause. He supported it several years with energy, and had re-established order and cultivation in Hayti, to the most astonishing extent. But when a's Europe was bent under the yoke of Bonaparte, he felt that submission to that recognized tyrant became a matter of necessity. None of the acts of Gen. Toussaint were declaratory of independence; but Bonaparte, either to sacrifice a portion of the immense * armies which embarrassed him on the peace, or to lay hold of imaginary treasures, sent an army to St. Domingo, when he ought only to have sent rewards. The effect of this barbarous expedition was a second destruction of the colony, and the loss of General Toussaint. The king would have considered this loss as irreparable, had not your Excellency succeeded to the power of ihat celebrated man; and convinced that you are perfectly well-informed as to your true interests, and as to every thing that has taken place in Europe; certain that the welfare of your country, your own, and that of your family and friends, will serve as the rule of your conduct, he has not doubted that you will act towards him as Toussaint would have acted if unw alive. I bring you, therefore, General, by the orders of that august Sovereign, words of satisfaction and peace ; and though, from the height of his throne, the most brilliant in Europe, he commands an army of 500,000 men, he has sent me singly to treat with you about your interests. We are no longer in the time of Bonaparte ; all the Sovereigns of Europe had leagued to pull down that usurper, all remain united in order to seeure the tranquillity of all parts of the world. At this moment you may behold England punishing, at 1,500 leagues dis. tance, the United States of America, who had dared to lend their support to the enemy of order and of the repose of the world; already the capital of that new empire has been conmitted to the flames ; already its chief is flying ; for not until these United States shall profess the principles of the Sovereigns of Europe, will England cease to overwhelm them with the weight of her terrible vengeance : thus, as long as there shall remain a point on the globe where order is not re-established, the Allied Sovereigns will not lay down their arms; they will remain united, in order to finish their great work.--If

* Almost all these troops had served under Moreau, to whom they were very much attached; but the Generals were inostly partisans of Bonaparte.

you doubt this truth, General, your Excellency has only to consult, by means of your agents, the dispositions of Engind late the enemy of France, now her most faithful Ally, and they will attest the truth of what I have now said.— General, if Bonaparte, with a great part of the forces of France, sunk under the mass of the forces of the Allies, who now can resist France united to all Europe, France become the ally of England And who doubts that Bonapašte must have rapidly consummated the infernal work of destruction which he began in 1802, if in 1803 England had not declared war against France, and thus broken, by its immense fleets, the communication beiween France and St. Domingo Every thing has been foreseen in the treaty of peace between the Sovereigns of Europe. Not aware of the prudence and the principles of your Excellency, it was supposed that you might hesitate as to the course which you ought to pursue ; and it was agreed, that, in order to replace the population of Hayti, which, in such event, would be totally annihilated by the masses of force brought against it, it was necessar that France should continue for several years the African Slave Trade, with the double view of replacing the hands employed in cultivation, and forming soldiers, in imitation of the English. It would, doubtless, be useless to enter into details with a man of so superior an understanding as your Excellency; but it is proper, perhaps, that those great considerations should be presented to the persons whom your Excellency honours with your considence. If the ailiance of the Powers of Europe has had for its object the restoration of order, and the fall of the Usurper who incessantly disturbed it, the august Monarchs, who are parties to that alliance, did not on that ground display less esteem for the meritorious supporters of the glory and independence of France ; for those illustrious warriors who, during 25 years of calamities, never deserted the post of danger, and who saved their country both from the horrors of civil war, and the disgrace of dismemberment. The most wise and generous of Kings, the virtuous Louis. XVIII. has felt more sensibly than any of his great Allies the claims which these brave. men had to the royal munificence, as well as the public gratitude : they are now loaded with houours; they enjoy immense fortunes, and they bless the events which have given to their superb establishments that stability which an usurper couid never have conferred. Follow their example, General; proclaim Louis XVIII. in Hayti, as they have proclaimed him in France, and not only honour and rewards await yout, but those whom you designate shall receive marks of the satisfaction of our Sovereign, and of the gratitude of our country; and the empire of prejudices, which is destroyed with the late regime, shall prove no obstacle to these re-, wards being made equal to the greatness of the services performed to the King.— Doubtless, if Bonaparte, from the height of the French throne, addressed to you the words of which I am now the bearer, I should lament your confiding in them. His success in policy was due to his deceitful arts, his perfidy equalled the power of his arms, and General Toussaint was not the only one who found out this by cruel and fatal experience: but the legitimate King of France, the august successor of so many illustrious Sovereigns, the descendant of St. Louis and Henry IV., has doubtless no need of the vile resorts of an usurper; his royal word is as sacred as his race is aucient and venerable; and Louis XY III. has said, like one of his magnanimous ancestors, “ that if good faith was banished the earth, it should still be found in the heart of Kings.”—Thus, then, what he promises you, General, will be firm and stable: you cannot doubt it. But perhaps there are among your Generals persons who fear lest the chiefs sent by the King, forgetting the instructions which they shall have received, and permitting themselves to be influenced by Creoles and Emigrants, may re-establish gradually the regime of prejudices. But befive me, General, the reign of prejudices is terminated for ever. It will as little revive in the French colonies as in France; and who can suppose that they still exist in the latter country, when, by the side of the Monmorencys, the Rohans, the Perigords, &c are seated the Soults, the Suchets, the Dessolies, &c.—when men of such different origin, though, equally illustrious, the one class for their owi High exploits, and the other for those of their ancestors, sit as equals in the Chamoer of Pecos, and equally participate in the high dignities of the State The King, who wishes that be:

nofits be every where equally dispensed, will

dout:tles act in this instance like the Monarchs of Spain and Portugal, who, by letters'of while, give an individual, whatever be his colour, the priviieges of a white. His royal power, which has equalised the Neys, the Soults, the Suches, with the Montmorency's and the Rohails, by an act of munificence and equity which all France applauded, cat, in like manner make a negro, or a mulatto, ... equal before the throne and the law, and in the intercourse of social life, to the fairest man in Picardy.—You will not force us, General, to couvert into soldiers the negroes, whom we are at this moment purchasing on the coast of Africa; you will not force us to emplov all possible means of destruction; you will not expose yourselves to witness the desertion of your bai'alions, who will soon be informed that the French discipline, the most perfect in to world, does not eu force that excessive severiiy which you have so often exerr's...} : we ki:ow all your means of defense. When I say you, I mean the persons who are utilier your orders; for I believe you have too sound a head, too enlight

ened and noble an understanding, not to be satisfied with becoming a great lord, or a general officer, under that ancient dynasty of the Bourbons, which Providence, in despite of all human calculations, seems to take a pleasure in perpetuating on the throne of our dear France ; you will prefer becoming an illustrious servant of the great sovereign of the French, to the fate, more than precarious, of a chicf of revolted slaves. And if examples are necessary to lead you to imitation, behold the Generals Murat and Berhadótte, who had been for several years chiefs, or kings, of nations whom their arms have illustrated, nobly descending from the thrones to which the effects of the French Revolation had raised them. Behold them, I say, nobly

in order to become great and illustrious Lords, and preferring legitimate and durable titles for themselves and their posterity, to the odious and precarious title of usurpers. For, do not deceive yourself, General,—the Sovereigns of Europe, although they have made peace, have not returned the sword into lite scabbard; doubtless you are not ignorant of what every body in Europe knows, although a thing not yet diplomatically published,—that the principal articles of the compact, which all the European Sovereigns have just signed, on their royal honour, is to unite their armies, if need be, and to lend each other all necessary atd, in order to destroy all the Governments which have been the offspring of the French Revolution, whether in furope, or in lie Yew JWorld. KNOW, ALSO, THAT i'i' S GREAT BRITAIN, WHO IS THE CENTRE OF AND PRINCIPAL PARTY TO THIS CONVENTION: to which, a few months, sooner or later, every Government will find it necessary to submit : every Gopernment and every Potentate who shall refuse so to submit, must easpect to be treated as traitors and brigands ; whilst those who volunarily and cheerfully shall prove thenselves honest and reasonable enough to adhere to these principles, in contributing to induce the people whom they govern to return under the sway of legitimate sovereigns, will obtain from these sovereigns a provision and an establishment not less honourable than permanent.—The last consideration which I shall submit to your Excellency is that of the morality and loyalty which characterise the present Minister of the Marine. It is universally known, that, during the rule of the Constituent Assembly, where he consiantly appeared as one of the most zealous defenders of the royal cause, he ever insisted upon the necessity as well as justice of ameliorating the condition both of the blacks and the men of colour. To pronounce the name of Malouet, is at once to recal the memory of the most exalted virtue, and of integrity the most inflexible. Whatever may be promised by such a man will be as certain and as sacred as if (and I ask pardon for the

expression) the Deity had Îledged himself to

and voluntarilydescending from these thrones,

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Sitting of the General Council of the Nation, 21st October, 1814, the Eleventh Year of the Independence of Hayti, and the Fourth Year of his Majesty's Reign.—The following Address having been read, it was unanimously agreed, that the same should be presented to his Majesty: ADDRESS TO THE KENG.

SIRE,-In the annals of the world no example ean be found of an overture for peace, accompanied by such frightful and disgraceful circumstances, as that made by the French General Dauxion Lavaysse, in the name and as the agent of his Majesty Louis XVIII.—Nations, Sovereigns, and even individuals, have certain rights, which are respected even by the most barbarous people, and no one is permitted to violate them. But if men in general have agreed to respect these rights, sanctioned by custom and public decorum, how much more odious it is that the Envoy of an enlightened Monarch and nation has dared so openly to violate them —What : the most abominable tyrants, when they wished to oppress and impose on people the yoke of tyranny, employed perfidious means, and concealed their criminal enterprises by specious pretexts, because they did not dare openly to violate public rights; but the Envoy of the King of the French impudently violates every right, and offers the greatest of insults to a free people; by proposing to them the alternative of slavery or death ! And to whom does this vile agent dare to address this declaration of the atrocious intentions of his Government 2 to your Majesty, the conqueror of the French, the defender of liberty and independence, to you, Sire, who have devoted your whole life to the maintenance and defence of the indestructible and eternal rights of man—to your Majesty, who have always taken, as the rule of your conduct and actions, the honour and glory of the Haytian people . He dares to propose to you to descend from a throne where you were placed by the love and gratitude of your fellow citizens!—Oh, extravagance of insolence and infamy! He dares to suspect

your great soul of such an enormous perfidy To whom do they dare to speak of masters and of slaves 2 To us—to a free and independent people—to warriers covered with noble wounds received in the field of honour, who have rooted up the ancient tree of prejudices and slavery— to those warriors who, in a thousand combats, have made these barbarous colonists bite the dust. And now the remaining colonists who escaped our just vengeance, dare still to speak of the re-establishment of that detested reign which we have for ever cast off No, there shall never exist a master nor a slave in Hayti 1– Could your Majesty have expected such excessive insult from a Sovereign whom fame has represented as a wise, good, and virtuous King, instructed in the school of adversity, and an enemy of illiberal prejudices How little truth, Sire, is there in fame, when we compare events with her anticipations. The first overture for peace, the first words of conciliation which are addressed to us in the name of this Prince, of whom we had formed so pleasing an idea, are outrageous insults. It is proposed to men who have been free for 25 years, who still have arms in their hands, to lay them down in order to take up again the fetters of ignominious and barbarous slavery In intimating to us these horrors, they veil them with the specious pretext of peace and reconciliation . They envelope the poniard of treason and perfidy in the honourable and seductive mantle of the liberal sentinents of justice and humanity of the French Monarch towards us ! But on a sudden this vile agent, this anthropophagous monster, thanging his language, taking a tone and atrocious character adapted to his odious mission, threateus to destroy our race and substitute another.-What justice what liberality: what humanity —From this last proceeding of the French, does not every thing shew that the cause of the Haytians is distinct from that of the people In fact, to what people, to what Sovereign, would any one have dared to propose conditions so base and degrading : They despise us; they think us so stupid as to suppose, that we want the instinct which animals posssess for their preservation.— What madness! what excess of audacity, to dare to propose that we shall give ourselves up to the French, and submit to their odious dominion : Is it for the benefits we have received that we should again take up the chains of servitude? Is it for a Sovereign who is altogether a stranger to us, who never did any thing for us, that we should change our Master Is it, in short, for the purpose of being again delivered over to tortures, and of being devoured by dogs, that we should renounce the fruits of twenty-five years battles: What, then, have we now in common

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