loans will go on augmenting the debt, and the interest of the debt must continue to be paid after the war is over, let who will live to see that day. Of course, prices will still keep, on an average, rising; the difference between prices in England and in France will be greater than it is now; people will be still more disposed to migrate than at present; and, thus will war have augmented the evil instead of removing it. The war-faction make quite sure of success against Napoleon. They do not allow him above three months to exist. They say he was brought back by the army; that the army were so attached to him that they never could endure the good king Louis; that the army bore down twenty-five, or thirty, millions of good Frenchmen; that the whole nation was nothing, and the army every thing, Yet, in the next breath, they say that he has no army; that the army, what there is of it, is good for little, and that the troops, so far from liking him, are daily deserting to the good king at Ghent. Strange fellows this army, or no army, must be composed of! Not a soul of them would lift a hand for the good king while he was in France; but, he having run away out of France, they desert from Napoleon to join the king! On the other hand, the war-faction represent the High Allies as being wondrous strong. They have 800,000 men marching towards the Rhine. They have an abundance of cannon, horses, provisions, &c. They are, too, so beloved by all their people. All the people in Belgium, in Holland, in the new kingdom of Hanover, in Prussia, Saxony, Germany, Austria, Italy, Sicily, and Spain are so fond, so exceedingly fond, of their good Sovereigns, and detest Napoleon so much, that the contest cannot be either doubtful, or long. Now, if this be so, why are they afraid of Napoleon or his French people? Why need they be alarmed? If all their people are so free and so happy and so fond of their Sovereigns, and such haters of Napoleon and of the French, why not leave Napoleon and the French to this hatred? Why not leave them to their misery? And, why are we to be involved in a new war for the purpose of putting down a second time a man whom no people in the world care a straw about? However, the fact is, I believe, not what the war-faction tells us, in this respect. Their own contradictions and alarms prove very clearly, that they think the French nation and their chief formidable. The same faction vowed eternal war against MR. MADISON, whose name they now never mention. There is no doubt that they were, in this latter case, reduced to reason by the battles on the Lakes, on the Ocean, and on the land of America. It was the sword, which brought them to their senses; and, is there not reason to believe, that such will be the case again? Let us first hear of one or two great battles, and then we shall be able to judge of the relative means of the opposing parties. And, if the war-faction should be disappointed; if war should carry the French arms again into Holland and to Vienna; if this coalition, too, should be dissolved, and England again left to make war er peace single-handed; if this should be the case, what will then be our situation? If migration be an evil now, what would it be at the end of such a war, which would have added another hundred million or two to the national debt, and, in proportion, to our permanent taxes? If we can not live in peace with France now; if her abundance and her political example are now objects of terror to the war-faction, what will they be then? It is a curious thing to observe, that, while, at this time, all the ports of France are open to England, and while the mail comes more frequently than ever from that country, there is no mail permitted to go from England to France. Napoleon seems not to wish to disguise any thing. He has no law, no regulation, to prevent us from seeing what he is about. Any one may write to us a full account of his. proceedings. He aims at no secrecy. He suffers any one to go, or come. This argues any thing but fear. Ten thousand assassins may enter France, if they can be found. This does not seem as if he were in any terror. And yet, there are persons constantly endeavouring to persuade us, that he lives amidst the most dreadful alarms. It is with a view of guarding you, my friends of Nottingham, against the falsehoods and misrepresentations of the warfaction that I have offered to you these remarks. Neither you nor I can prevent war, if it be to take place; but it is in our power to reject falsehood, to think rightly 66 66 upon this important subject, to endeavour | Austria first compelled France to unsheath to enlighten others whom we see in error, the sword, the same Assembly declared, and thus to deserve no part of that reproach" that the French people, faithful to the which will justly fall upon those who "principles of its constitution, which forshall have been instrumental in the utter "bid it every kind of conquest, and from ruin of our country. arming against the liberty of any people, You will please to observe, that I am "is now arming only for its own freedom, very far from thinking, that we can live in" its independence, and its sovereignpeace with France, unless we change our ty."-It is true, these principles were system. With taxes to the amount of afterwards departed from; but this was Sixty millions a year, while France is in not the spontaneous act of the French goher present state, we never can live in vernment. It was not with them a matter peace with her and retain our greatness. of choice when they proclaimed "peace People, who are able to remove, never "to the cottage and war to the palace." will long continue to walk on foot on this We must look to the Duke of Brunswick's side of the water, if they can ride in Manifesto for the cause of this.--Here incoaches on the other. Where the rich deed we shall find enough to palliate, if are, thither will go those arts which the not to justify, all the subsequent hostile rich support. I am well aware of all this; proceedings of France against her external but, it is not by war that I would endea- enemies, and all the dreadful convulsions vour to keep Englishmen at home. By with which she was so long agitated interpeace, by œconomy, by reducing the mili- nally. The inhabitants of cities, towns, mili-nally." tary establishment, by conciliatory laws," or villages, who shall dare to defend and especially by a constitutional Reform " themselves against the troops of their in the Commons' House of Parliament, I" Imperial and Royal Majesties, and fire would make Englishmen feel; I would "upon them either in the open country, not tell them, but I would make them feel," or from the windows, doors, or other that there was nothing for them to envy," openings of their houses, shall be puor to seek after, in France, in America,"nished on the spot with all the rigour of or in any other country upon earth. With that respect to which your good sense and public spirit entitle you from all your countrymen, I remain your friend, Botley, May 2, 1815. WAR AGAINST FRANCE. 66 66 "martial law, and their houses shall be pulled down or burnt."—" The city of Paris and all its inhabitants without dis"tinction shall be bound without the ❝smallest delay, to submit to the king, to "set him at full and perfect liberty, and secure to him, as also to all the royal "persons of his family, the inviolability "and respect which, according to the "laws of nature and of nations, are due MR. COBBETT,-You have already, and " from subjects to their sovereigns; their most ably shewn, that there exists, at this "Imperial and Royal Majesties declaring, period, a striking similarity between the that all the members of the National Asinvasion of France in 1792, and that which "sembly, of the departments, districts, is again threatened in 1815.-In nothing" municipalities, national guards, justices is the resemblance more obvious than in of the peace, and all other persons whatthe pacific and moderate language now" soever, shall be answerable with their used by Napoleon, and that employed by "lives and fortunes for all events; tried the National Assembly when it met to de-" by martial law, and punished without termine this great question, whether the right of making war and peace belonged to the king or to the nation? Having decided in favour of the exclusive right of the people, they decreed, that the French nation formally disclaims all wars from "motives of ambition, or views of conપ quest; and engages never to employ "her forces against the liberty of any other" people." Even when the conduct of 66 hopes of pardon: their said Majesties "further declaring, upon the faith and word of an emperor and of a king, "That if the palace of the Thuilleries "shall be forced or insulted, if the least violence, the least outrage shall be of"fered to their Majesties the King and Queen, or the Royal Family; if provi sion shall not be made immediately for "their safety, their preservation, and their 1 66 66 "liberty, they will take a signal and me- " to France, would again become French, "morable vengeance, by delivering up the "and the triumphant eagles would again "city of Paris to military execution and carry beyond the Rhine, the Alps, and complete subversion: and the revolters," the Pyrenees, the independence and the "who shall have given occasion for such emancipation of nations. But if the "vengeance, to the just punishment of "nation is respected, if her rights are not "their crimes."" Such are the 7th and " contemned, all her energy will subside 8th articles of that humane Manifesto, "into the only wish which she formswhich served as a signal to rouse, and to "that of a free Constitution. Then all render furious the minds of almost the "France may proudly repeat what Pliny whole population of France, and which, "said to Trajan, If we have a Prince, it instead of tending to preserve the life of "is to preserve us from having a master.” the unfortunate monarch, hastened his It is much to be regretted, that there are conveyance to the scaffold. The Times so few who are capable of justly apprecinewspaper asserts, that "it is not histori-ating the causes of the war of 1793, or of 46 cally true that the Duke of Brunswick's that with which we are now threatened. "Manifesto occasioned the failure of the The ignorance generally prevailing on this "first invasion of France."-Critically subject, seems to arise from the implicit respeaking, it may be that the mere publica- liance that is placed in the statements of tion of this document had not that effect; our newspaper press, the sole object of but it is also true that the measures pur- which is to obscure truth, to paralyze the sued by the Allies, which were exactly in mind, and to excite the ferocious passions the spirit of the Manifesto, were the cause of cannibals, who delight in war because of their armies being driven from the soil it satiates their thirst for human blood.of France, and of the war being after- How few are there, of the present day, wards carried into the bosom of their own that have any recollection of that " enterritory. The object of the Times writer thusiasm" which animated Frenchmen, was to make it be believed, that the De- when the soil of France was first invaded; claration of the Allies against Napoleon, how comparatively few are to be found, would not occasion any new disaster, in that are any way acquainted with those case they should again enter France. The individual traits of valour and attachment disgraceful termination of the campaign to liberty, which a former violation of her which followed the Duke of Brunswick's territory called forth amongst that brave Manifesto, is sufficiently conclusive as to and gallant people. France was then its effects; and although the new fulmina- fighting for freedom, for independence, and tion against the "rebel and his adherents," for sovereignty. She is now arming in the is not so bloody in its aspect, though same sacred cause. It was the efforts of equally sanguinary, its consequences must her citizens that then insured her the vic be, indeed already have been, to unite tory. Why may not similar efforts again all the energies of the French nation in crown her with new triumphs?-The sasupport of Napoleon." It is not justice tellites of corruption tell us, that Napoleon (says the Gazette de France), which has no regular army, and that he is desti 46 arms the Sovereigns of Europe, but pas-tute of every thing necessary to fit one ❝sion and anger. Let them beware: all out. Be it so. It was not by regular armies that France vanquished her enemies in 1793; it was not by Swiss guards, nor by mercenary troops, that she carried terror into the ranks of her invaders. was the energies of an undisciplined, an almost unarmed population, animated by the enthusiasm of liberty, indignant at the haughty threat of punishing the defenders of their country, and resolved to revenge the insults offered to the national honour, that delivered France from the terrible state of degradation with which she was then threatened. A departure from first principles, subsequently placed her, in €6 66 "the coalitions directed against France "for twenty years were unsuccessful, "whilst they presented only a confedera❝tion of Princes, and not a league of na❝tions, and whilst France remained con"centrated in herself, and was united by a national will. Let them not then re❝vive in France the frenzy of 1793. The same violation of her territory, the least insult to the moral character of the na66 tion, would produce the same enthu66 siasm, the same exasperation, and the same vengeance. Soon all the provinces, which, during twenty years, were united 66 It some measure, at the mercy of her inva- | nerable to all attacks that could be made ders; but although she was believed to be against her?-I admit that the Volunteers overcome, the spirit of independence was of France will have no dominant church, not subdued. It was only in appear- no overgrown nobility, to fight for, beance she yielded for a moment, that cause every religion in that country is she might derive new life, new vigour, to alike protected, and because the division resist her assailants. Of what consequence of property is more equalized than before is it, then, whether France has regular ar- the Revolution. But they will have much mies or not; whether her forces are train- more powerful stimulants, They will have ed to battle; whether they wear red coats, equality of rights to contend for; they yellow coats, or green? The whole popu- will have that admirable code of laws lation are resolved, like the Americans which Napoleon consolidated, those bein the late war," to defend their country, nevolent institutions which he established, "or to perish in the contest." The spirit those unrivalled specimens of the fine arts which enabled these patriots to combat so which he collected, those extensive nasuccessfully for liberty, and to triumph tional improvements which he created and over those who threatened their indepen- patronized. All this, and the integrity of dence, now animates all Frenchmen. Nor that delightful country which produces so has Napoleon neglected to take advantage many comforts for the use of man, the of this noble feeling, to which he has given Volunteers of France will have to protect, a direction similar to that which, even in to defend, and to succour in the hour of this country, is said to have, at one period, danger. They will also have to guard baffled his designs against us, and to have against the return of that system which saved us from a foreign domination. In- formerly rendered existence almost intodependent of the National Guards, esti- l-rable in France, and tended only to inmated at two millions of men, corps of crease the luxuries of an insolent nobility, volunteers are every where forming in and to augment the power of a contempti, France, who are not, as with us, to wear ble race of monarchs. But above all, gaudy uniforms, and, in all cases, are to these brave defenders of their country will serve without pay. If this species of mili- have to protect it against the encroach, tary defence was regarded of such vast ments of the priesthood, who, more than importance here; if to the Volunteers of any other set of men, have desolated Great Britain we are now indebted for the France, and subjected the sovereign as possession of our invaluable Constitution, well as the people to the most degrading of the whole of that "Social System," and abject slavery. These are objects those ancient, those sacred, those venera- worthy the attention of every people. ble institutions, in which our fathers so Without these, life is not worth having. much delighted, and which they took so To defend them to the last extremity, is much pains to hand down unimpaired to what constitutes real patriotism; and when us. If to these ardent and patriotic sup- a nation is once convinced, as it appears to porters of church and state we owe so me the French nation now is, that the war many blessings, is it not reasonable to ex- threatened against her is for the purpose pect that France will feel equal benefit of depriving her of so many advantages, it from the exertions of her volunteers? If can scarcely be a matter of doubt that she we confided our all to them; if it be true will ultimately triumph over all her ene that our embodying this description of mies.-But if this conclusion is fairly force obliged the enemy to abandon his drawn on the supposition that France has intention of invading this country, why no regular army, and must rely upon her should not the Volunteers of France ap- Volunteers and her National Guards, how pear equally terrible to her invaders? much greater must the probability of her Why should not Napoleon have as much success be, when it is recollected that Nareliance upon them as our Government poleou has at this very moment under his had upon our volunteers? And where command, an army of veteran soldiers, is the prospect of the Allies being able to amounting to little short of 300,000 men, subdue France with such an armed force and that they are known to be well equip. to oppose them, when it was so confidently ped, and amply supplied with every neces Dibelieved that a similar force rendered sary for carrying on active operations. Great Britain, even single handed, invul- Supposing it true, that the Allies will be able to bring forward double this number; thousand reasons which might be given. He was the upholder of those laws to which they looked for security and happiness in the undisturbed enjoyment of those advantages which the Revolution had given them. The majority were strangers to the Bourbons, and had grown up with Napoleon, whose brilliant exploits against the enemies of France reflecting its lustre on his subjects, completely identified this susceptible people with their Emperor, whose successes and misfortunes they felt to be their own. But to shew why Bonaparte is popular in France would be only to repeat, what you, Sir, so clearly proved must be the case, in your letter addressed to Louis the 18th. Every where, and among all classes, I found admirers of Napoleon. At Paris, I was told by a Merchant, at whose house I visited, (an assertion which was confirmed by many of his guests,) that an immense number of young men in that city applied for arms to defend it against the Allies, but that none could be obtained. Their number was stated at 100,000. In several companies, where I afterwards mentioned this circumstance, the answers were, "Oui, Monsieur, c'est "bien vrai." At Fontainbleau, their exiled Emperor was the subject of the most unqualified panegyric. "Ah, Monsieur! c'est un grand Homme. La France est bien malheureuse de l'avoir perdu," was the universal answer to any questions concerning him. At a Table d'Hote in that town, I frequently met an elderly Captain who had made the campaign of Russia with Napoleon; he had narrowly escaped with life, and was covered with wounds. The enthusiasm of this veteran soldier for his master, it is impossible to do justice to; but as his popularity with the military has been never called in question, it is needless to retail the words of the Captain.-Why should we not make peace with Bonaparte?-But he is a violator of treaties, and no confidence can be safely reposed in him. 66 દેદ ARISTIDES. THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON. MR. COBBETT,-I was in France last summer nearly ten weeks, and as far as my observations extended, I can bear testimony to the truth of Mr. Birkbeck's statements respecting the condition of her peasantry and the cultivation of her soil. It is, therefore, with much pleasure I find this interesting publication is now in its third edition, and that you have enriched your Register by such copious extracts from it. Mr. A. Young's account of the state of France under Louis the 16th, and This only appears Mr. B's book, ought to be read by every clear to those who have never read the person in Great Britain, since a want of suf- French side of the question. How does ficient information on this subject, coupled it appear that he broke the peace of Amiens, with the ceaseless attempts of a lying press to which we concluded with him? Was it blacken the character of Napoleon, have not the refusal of the English to give up the unfortunate effect of reconciling the Malta, after that Island had been conceded people to a renewal of the war against to France, which occasioned the renewal that celebrated character. It is impossible of the war?-Aided by English money, that Napoleon should not be popular with were not the continental powers continuthe present race of Frenchmen, for aally leaguing against their conqueror, and |