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appears to be taken, for working their machinery. puchase, £8335. On this estate is an excellen Here are several noble establishments for spin-one, and out-buildings, and a large walled garning woollen yarn. Their cropping or shearing den, all in good repair. machines were performing their office with the greatest precision. I think they are wide awake to mechanical improvements; indeed, the quality of their cloth proves their skill too well to leave a doubt of the excellence of their implements. There is great decency and comfort in the looks of their work-people; of whom women form by far the principal part.

The ci-devant priory of St. Martin is now a conservatory of arts and manufactures. Here are models of implements of agriculture, including those in common use in different districts, and the modern improvements or attempts at im

provement. Among these curiosities are some models of threshing machines, in which the mechanics have proceeded no further than to put in motion a set of flails. I recognize in this colection many implements, particularly ploughs, which I have seen at work as we passed. The spirit of invention is hardly at work among the French farmers. Poverty shifts with things as they are capital looks for improvement. I have visited this collection twice, and it is with regret I acknowledge that I did not bring away one idea worth recording. Agricultural implements form but a small part of the establishment it contains every machine, I imagine, which is in use in the silk and cotton manufacture. One room contains not models, but a complete set of machinery, which is under the care of a professor, and regu larly at work, for the instruction of pupils in the art of spinning cotton. Here are also deposited numberless specimens of curious inventions in mechanics, in philosophical instruments, and in every branch of arts and manufactures. It is open on particular days of the week to the pnb he; and every day to foreigners. Such is the liberal spirit of the nation; exemplified not in this instance only, but universally. Those of my countrymen who have been driven through the British Museum, or conducted through any other place of exhibition at home, can put a proper value on this generous treatment. I once visited the galleries of natural history in the Jardin des Plantes on a public day: it was amusing to see the crowd, mostly of what is called the lower order, which thronged the rooms; and edifying to observe their decorum, and the interest they took in examining every thing.

Nothing has a greater tendency to induce those who are possessed of a little -money to take up their residence in France,

than the low rate at which landed

pro

perty may be purchased there when compared with its price in this country. The following statement places this in a very striking point of view:

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One thousand acres árable, 500 woodland, equal to 1650 acres English; one third of the arable

poor cold clay, of little value; two thirds pretty good wheat land; part dry enough for turnips: is let on lease for nine years (which the tenant would give up on receiving a fair price for his stock and crops) at 9000 franks, £375 sterling: and land-tax 1600 francs, £66 18s. per ann, might be bought, as we understood, for about 22 years

I have already said that Napoleon appears to be no very great favourite of Mr. Birkbeck, who not unfrequently calls him a tyrant, and speaks pretty freely of what, he considers, the oppressive acts of his government, and the madness of his ambitious projects. Yet amidst all this tyranny, this oppression, and this mad ambition, our author is compelled to acknowledge, that " under his auspices the inter"nal government of the country was wise "and effectual; property was sacred and "crimes were rare."

There was a magnificence (says he) about Bonaparte which carries you away in defiance of your sober judgment. To-day I gained a sight of the astonishing colossal elephant, which was to have been elevated on the scite of the Bastile; from which a grand street was projected to the front of the Louvre, through the whole length of the city. The canal of Onrque, a grand work of is for the supply of Paris with water, was to have formed a fountain through the proboscis of the elephant. Wherever you turn is some madeur of Paris was his creation, and you now see jestic monument of his taste. lu fact, the gralworkmen busy in all parts, scratching out his ame, and defacing his cagles. This is very pitiful. The Bourbons, in their attempts to disgrace Napoleon, by pulling down his statues and obiterating the ensigns of Ins power, are directing their attack against his least vulnerable part, and inviting a comparisou greatly to their own disadvantage. He executed many great works of lasting utility, and many of amazing splendour. Under his auspices the internal government of the country was wise and effectual property could not be committed with impunity. was sacred, and crimes were rare because they

It is somewhat difficult to believe any man to be a tyrant and an oppressor, who could occupy himself so much with the happiness and prosperity of a country over which he reigned, and where the effects of his good government were so conspicuous. The measures resorted to by Napoleon to recruit his armies were, without doubt, of a severe description, and might be thought rigorous by many individuals in France. But then it ought to be recollected, that things; much more so perhaps than the they were necessary in the then state of cruit their forces. If we consider Napomeasures employed by other nations to releon fighting to maintain the integrity of the French territory, and for the maintenance of treaties, which had been violated by those who concluded them with him, I do not know of a better ground for going to war. I have yet to learn that the poo

beck has told us respecting the state of so

ple were hostile to his views. Every thing, on the contrary, has tended to convince me,ciety in France be true; if we are to bethat he has not only all along possessed their entire affections, but that the wars in which he was engaged have always been agreeable to them, and the chief cause of the strong attachment which they have uniformly shewn towards him, even when a reverse of fortune placed him, in a great measure, in the power of his enemies. In this there does not appear to be any symptoms, that the people of France ever considered him a tyrant or an oppressor. If they had, they would have assisted in keeping him down when he was down. Instead of hailing him, on his return from Elba, as their deliverer, they would have united as one man to oppose his reassumption of the government. If then it appears so very clear, that the French people never thought Napoleon a tyrant or an oppressor, never viewed him in the light of a despot, never complained of what we, good tender souls, call the horrors of the conscription, never lamented the continuance of the war, but seem as ready at this moment as ever to fight under so great a captain. If the people of France, who have the best right, the only right, to complain of these supposed grievances, never troubled themselves in any way about them, what right have we to set up a lamentation on their behalf? Upon what principle is it that we affect to feel pity and compassion for a nation that do not want our pity? And where is the prudance, to say nothing of the injustice, of calling the sovereign of any people a tyrant, a despot, and an oppressor, when the whole of that people have given so many unequivocal proofs of their entire satisfaction with his conduct? With these proofs before our eyes, we must either admit that Napoleon is not a tyrant, a despot, nor an oppressor, or we must apply these insulting and degrading epithets to the whole population of France. He is the man of their choice. They have declared that they will not submit to another. After identifying themselves, as it were, with this wonderful man, in so pointed a manner, every attack made upon him must be held as an attack upon the French people; every abusive expression applied to him must be considered as intended to apply to that great nation. There is, besides, a deal of inconsistency in maintaining that Napoleon is a tyrant. If what Mr. Birk

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lieve that the people there are as happy, at least, as they are in this country, and he represents them as much happier; if we are to give credit to what he tells us about the low price of land and of provisions, the delightful appearance of the country, the high state of cultivation in which he found it, the many excellent institutions, and the wise code of laws by which the rights of the poorest person in France are protected. If all this is to be held as true, and I have no doubt that it is true in every particular, and if it is equally true that Napoleon is a tyrant, then would it follow that tyranny is the best calculated of all forms of government to promote the happiness of a people; that the arts and the sciences, that every thing, in fact, conducive to the greatness and glory of a nation, flourish best under a military despotism. If this principle is to be maintained, it might indeed be believed that Napoleon is a tyrant, and that the French people actually prefer tyranny and despotism to a free representative government. But who that has any pretensions to common sense can entertain so absurd a doctrine.France is great and powerful only because her government possesses talent, and occupies itself incessantly with the public welfare. Her people are happy only because her laws and her institutions are formed to promote happiness. No one can say, that the now greatly improved state of France is the consequence of what was called, the paternal sway of the Bourbons; for during the few months of their continuance in France, they were so much occupied with endeavouring to give stability to their own power, that they had no leisure to attend to any thing else. Nor can it be attributed to the management of those in whose hands the government was placed during the early period of the revolution. They, no doubt, did much to clear away the rubbish; but it was not till Napoleon was called to fill the office of Chief Magistrate; it was not till after many years of incessant labour and inconceivable anxiety on the part of this most extraordinary man, that France reached that state of greatness and prosperity, in which we now find her, and as he is described by the impartial pen of Mr. Birkbeck. If that gentleman should be induced to present the public with ano

ther edition of his interesting tour, I am | tem, which we had adopted as conformnot without hopes that he will profit by able to the spirit of the age, and favourmy remarks, and either expunge the ob- able to the progress of civilization. In noxious expressions to which I have al- order to attain its completion, and to give luded, or give such an explanation of it all the extent and stability of which it them as will clear him from the charge of was susceptible, we postponed the estainconsistency; for it appears to me ut-blishment of many internal institutions, terly impossible in any man to read his book, even with a slight degree of attention, and not be convinced, that all that has been said about Napoleon being a tyrant, and about his having oppressed and desolated France, is entirely destitute of foundation.

In the concluding part of Mr. Birkbeck's tour, he remarks,

more particularly destined to protect the liberty of the citizens. Henceforward our only object is to encrease the prosperity of France, by the confirmation of public liberty. Hence results the necessity of various important modifications of the constitutions, the senatus-consulta, and other acts which govern this empire. For these causes, wishing, on the one hand, to retain It is due from us to add, that in the course of of the passed what was good and salutary, our enquiries on every topic we met with no in- and on the other, to render the constitustance of incivility; no reserve or appearance of tions of our empire in every thing consuspicion. It was thus from the north to the ex-formable to the national wishes and wants treme south; and in whatever direction we had shaped our course, I am satisfied we should have as well as to the state of peace which we experienced the same kind reception. And, in desire to maintain with Europe, we have our own country, wherever an intelligent French-resolved to propose to the people a series man shall present himself, prepared to communi- of arrangements tending to modify and imcate, and anxious to obtain information, he will be received as we were received in France; prove its Constitutional Acts; to strengthen making some allowance for a degree of jealony the rights of citizens by every guarantee, among the manufacturers, not incompatible with to give the representative system its whole personal benevolence, but arising from particular extention, to invest the intermediate bodies circumstances which might render competition with the desirable respectability and rainous. A sufficient proof that we are not natura' enemies! Les peuples ne s' entrehäissent pas,' power,-in one word, to combine the as I heard many of the French exclaim. How highest degree of political liberty and inlong then shall forty millions of civilized people, dividual security, with the force and cenin the two countries, remain the dupes of that wretched and disgraceful policy, by which govern. tralization necessary for causing the indements foment perpetual rivalship and war, under pendence of the French people to be rethe hackneyed plea of supporting social order and spected by foreigners, and to the dignity religion, and of our crown. In consequence, the fol lowing articles, forming an act supplementary to the constitutions of the empire, shall be submitted to the free and solemn acceptance of all citizens throughout the whole extent of France:

"Make enemies of nations who had else, Like kindred drops, been mingled iuto one."

FRENCH CONSTITUTION.

ACT ADDITIONAL TO THE CONSTITUTIONS
OF THE EMPIRE.

TITLE I.

Article 1. The constitutions of the emthe 22d Frimaire, year 8, the Senatus Conpire, particularly the constitutional act of sulta of the 14 and 16 Thermidor, year 10, and of the 28 Floreal, year 12, shall be modified by the arrangements which follow. All other arrangements are confirmed and maintained.

Napoleon, by the grace of God and the Constitutions, Emperor of the French, to all present and to come greeting. Since we were called, fifteen years ago, to the government of the State by the wishes of France, we endeavoured, at various times, to improve the constitutional forms, according to the wants and desires of the nation, and profiting by the lessons of experience. The constitutions of the empire were thus formed of a series of acts 4. The Emperor appoints its Members, which were sanctioned by the acceptance who are irrevocable, they and their male of the people. It was then our object to descendants, from one eldest son to ano organise a grand federative European sys-ther. The number of Peers is unlimited.

2. The Legislative Power is exercised by the Emperor and two Chambers.

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3. The first Chamber, called the Chamber of Peers, is hereditary.

Adoption does not transmit to him who is its object, the dignity of the Peerage. Peers take their seats at twenty-one years of age, but have no deliberative voice till twentyfive.

when its publicity does not compromise, the interest of the State.

20. The sittings of the two Chambers are public. They may, however, go into secret committee, the Peers on the demand of ten, and the representatives on the demand of twenty-five members. Government may also require secret committees when it has communications to make. In

5. The Arch-Chancellor of the Empire is President of the Chamber of Peers, or in certain cases a Member of the Chamber specially designated by the Emperor. 6. The Members of the Imperial Fa-all cases deliberation and vote can only be mily, in hereditary order, are Peers of in public sitting. right. They take their seats at 18 years of age, but have no deliberate voice till 21. 7. The second Chamber, called that of Representatives, is elected by the people. 8. Its members are 629 in number. They must be 25 years old at least.

9. Their President is appointed by the Chamber, at the opening of the first Session. He retains his functions till the renewal of the Chamber. His nomination is submitted to the approbation of the Emperor.

21. The Emperor may prorogue, adjourn, and dissolve the Chamber of Representatives. The Proclamation which pro nounces the dissolution convokes the Elec toral Colleges for a new election; and fixes the meeting of representatives within six months at the farthest.

22. During the recess of sessions of the` Chambers of Representatives, or in case of its dissolution, the Chamber of Peers cannot meet.

23. Government has the proposal of 10. This Chamber verifies the powers of laws; the Chambers can propose amendits Members, and pronounces on the vali-ments; if these amendments are not adoptdity of contested elections. ed by Government, the Chambers are bound to vote ou the law such as it was proposed.

11. Its Members receive for travelling expenses, and during the Session, the pay decreed by the Constituent Assembly.

12. They are indefinitely re-eligible. 13. The Chamber of Representatives is of right wholly renewed every five years.

14. No Member of either Chamber can be arrested, except in FLAGRANTE DELICTO, nor prosecuted in any criminal or correctional matter during a Session, but in virtue of a resolution of the Chamber of which he forms a part.

15. None can be arrested or detained for debt, from the date of convocation, nor for forty days after the Session.

16. In criminal or correctional matters Peers are judged by their Chamber, according to prescribed forms.

17. The office of peer and representative is compatible with all other public functions, except those of matters of account (comptables); prefects and sub-prefects are, however, ineligible.

24. The Chambers have the power of inviting Government to propose a law on a determinate object, and to draw up what it appears to them proper to insert in the law. This claim may be made by either Chamber.

25. When a Bill is adopted in either Chamber, it is carried to the other; and if there approved, it is carried to the Emperor.

26. No written discourse, excepting re.. ports of Committees, of Ministers on laws, and accounts, can be read in either Chamber.

TITLE 11.-OF ELECTORAL COLLEGES AND
THE MODE OF ELECTION.

27. The Electoral Colleges of Department and Arrondissement are maintained, with the following modifications:

28. The Cantonal Assemblies will yearly fill up by elections all the vacancies in

18. The Emperor sends to the Cham-electoral colleges.. bers Ministers and Counsellors of State, who sit there and take part in the debates, but have no deliberative voice unless they are peers or elected by the people.

19. The Ministers, thus Members of either Chamber, or sitting there by mission from Government, give to the Chambers such information as is deemed necessary,

29. Dating from 1814, a Member of the Chamber of Peers appointed by the Emperor shall be President for life, and irremovable of every Electoral College of Department.

30. Dating from the same period, the Electoral College of every Department shall appoint, among the Members of each

college of arrondissement, the president (ber of Representatives, and are tried by and two vice-présidents. For that pur- that of Peers. pose, the meeting of the departmental colleges shall precede by a fortnight that of the college of arrondissement.

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41. Every Minister, every Commandant of armed force, by land or sea, may be accused by the Chamber of Representatives, and tried by that of Peers, for having compromised the safety or honour of the nation.

42. The Chamber of Peers, in that case, exercises a discretional power either in classing the offence or mitigating the punishment.

32. The representatives may be chosen indiscriminately from the whole extent of France. Every college of department or arrondissement which shall choose a mem- 43. Before placing a Minister in accu-. ber out of its bounds, shall appoint a sup-sation, the Chamber of Representatives plementary member, who must be taken must declare that there is ground for exfrom the department or arrondissement. amining the charge. 33. Manufacturing and commercial industry and property, shall have special representatives. The election of commercial and manufacturing representatives shall be made by the electoral college of department, from a list of persons eligible, drawn up by the Chambers of Commerce, and the Consultative Chambers united.

TITLE III-OF TAXATION.

34. The general direct tax, whether on land or moveables, is voted only for one year: indirect taxes may be voted for several years. In case of the dissolution of the Chamber of Representatives, the taxes voted in the preceding session are contiAued till the next meeting of the Chamber. 35. No tax, direct or indirect, in money or kind, can be levied, no loan contracted, no inscription in the great book of the public debt can be made, no domain alienated or sold, no levy of men for the army ordered, no portion of territory exchanged, but in virtue of a law.

36. No proposition of tax, loan, or levy of men, can be made but to the Chamber of Representatives.

37. Before the same Chamber must be laid, in the first instance, 1. The General Budget of the State, containing a view of the receipts, and the proposal of the funds assigned for the year, to each department of service: 2. The account of the receipts and expences of the year or of preceding years. TITLE IV. OF MINISTERS, AND OF RE

SPONSIBILITY.

38. All the acts of Government must be countersigned by a Minister in office.

39. The Ministers are responsible for acts of Government signed by them, as well as for the execution of the laws.

40. They may be accused by the Cham

44. This declaration can only be made on the report of a Committee of 60, drawn by lot. This Committee must make its report in 10 days or sooner after its nomination.

45. When the Chamber declares there is ground for enquiry, it may call the Minister before them to demand explanations, at least within 10 days after the report of the Committee.

46. In no other case can Ministers in office be summoned or ordered by the Chambers.

47. When the Chamber of Represen-. tatives has declared that there is ground for inquiry against a minister, a new committce of 60 drawn by lot is formed, who are to make a new report on the placing in accusation. This committee makes its report 10 days after its appointment.

48. The placing in accusation is not to take place till 10 days after the report is read and distributed.

49. The accusation being pronounced, the Chamber appoints five of its members to prosecute the charge before the Peers.

50. The 75th art. of the constitutional acts of the 22d Frimaire, year 8, importing that the agents of government can only be prosecuted in virtue of a decision of the Council of State, shall be modified by a law.

TITLE V.-OF THE JUDICIAL POWER.

51. The Emperor appoints all Judges. They are irremovable and for life from the moment of there appointment; but the nomination of Justices of Peace, and Judges of Commerce, shall take place as formerly.

The existing Judges, appointed by the Emperor in terms of the Senatus Consultum of the 12th Oct. 1807, and whom he shall think proper to retain, shall receive

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