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was a fine example of French economy, and Catho
lic charity united. He gave a beggar a sous, and took back two liaids in change.
The following very interesting particulars, as to the occupations of the fair sex, are highly deserving of consideration: In every part of France women employ thenselves in offices which are deemed with us unsuitable to the sex. Here there is no sexual distinction of employment : the women undertake any task they are able to perform, without much notion This applies to all classes. The lady of one of the principal clothers at Louviers, conducted us over the works; gave us patterms of the best cloths ; ordered the machinery to be set in motion for our gratification, and was evidently in the habit of attending to the whole detail of the busiuess. Just so, near Rouen, the wife of the largest farmer in that quarter, conducted me to the barns and stables; shewed nue the various inplements, and explained their use : took me into the fields, and described the mode of husbandry, which she perfectly understood ; expatiated on the *xcellence of their fallows ; pointed out the best sheep in the flock, and gave me a detail of their management in buying their wether lambs and fat...tening their wethers. 40() acres. similar activity in the females. At the royal perce.
of fitness or unfitness.
This was on a farm of about
lain manufactory at Sevres, a woman was called to - receive payment for the articles we purchased. In the Halle de Bled, at Paris, women, in their little counting-houses, are performing the office of sactors, in the sale of grain and flamr. In every de- partiucut they occupy an important station, troit, one extrenuity of the country to the other. In many cases, where women are employed in the more laborious occupatiens, the real cause is directly opposite to the apparent. You see them in the south, threshing, with the men, under a burning sun;–it is a family party threshing out the crop of their own freelyold : a woman is holding a plough ;—the plough, the horses, the land is her's ; or, (as we have it) her husband's ; who is probably sowing the wheat which she is turning in You are shocked on seeing a fine young woma loading a dung cart; it belongs , her failure, who is manuring his own field, for their counson support. In these instances the toil of the woman denotes wealth rather than want ; though the latte, is the motive to which a superficial observer would refer it. Who can estimate the importance, in a moral and political view, of this state of things : Where the women, in the couplete exercise of thei, mental and bodily faculties, are performing thei full share of the duties of life. It is the natural. *lity couditivu wr Society, its influeuee on th
female character in France is a proof of it. There is that freedom of action, and reliance on their own powers, in the French women, generally, which occasionally, we observe with admiration in womeu of superior talents in England.
The contrast drawn by our author between the aucient, nobility and the present occupiers of land in France, possesses no small degree of interest:
The ancient nobility, before the revolution, were not very resided in their node of living at their chateaux. These houses, generally in a ruinous state and badly unished, were occasionally visited by their own, is, “ccoli piti.ied probably by a party of guests, and a nui, tribe of duulestics.
outs These visis were the result of “Price sometimes; often of necessily: to recover fresh vigor for the expences of Paris: but rarely for the true erjoyment of the country. Their appearance was not welcomed by their tenants, from whom certain extra services were then required. Provisions of all kinds, grain, fish, fowl, all were iu requisition. The dependants, almost plundering, and insolent of course. The gentry, spending their time at cards or irilliards; or proinemading in their strail lined gardens, in stiff Parisian dresses, were only known on their estates to be hated and despised. A better spirit prevails at present. Proprietors have acquired a touch of the coultrygentleman, and are cultivating their estates; whilst the tenants are relieved iron degradiog corvees and other odious oppressions. Stol, usuch is wanting
to render a country residence inviting to those wi.o
cannot be satisfied in the society of oileir own domestic circle; or who may not be blessed with a nouserous and happy f mily. When capital, in the holds of well educated men, begins to be directed to rural affairs, a foundation is laid for a better state of society.
A broad foundation of this sort has been
already laid in France. Revolut on t
We have heard much respecting the Police, and the number of crimes in Tradesunen. Many have gone so far as to attribute the increase of crimes with us to a defect in our laws of police.— i}ut whatever may be in this, it is clear from Mr. Birbeck's statement, ... that crimes are by no means so prevailing there as in this country.
Whilst waiting for my passport of departure, at the 13ureau of the Prefecture, many perions were receiving passports of removal from one section of Paris to another. A strictness of police of which I "efore had no conception. I issuagine a register is kept of the inhabitants of every house; and from the arrangeulent of the usuerous clerks in this long
, POLITICAL REGISTER. Marshal Marmont.
and cominodious apartment, called the Hureau des oassports, i itave no doubt but this issuportant object is attained without difficulty of confusion. I presume passports are procured without much trojiAle or any ex police to the parlies : they are t!, ere: fore not likely to be neglected by ally but the evil disposed; and as general security is time aim, and in a great degree tile result, of these secruingly sewere regulations, they may be subutted to will. cheerfulness. A police of this kind irust prevent time existence of such lordes of bandoli as intest our inetroposis. Here can be no dark and inscrutable recesses where villains by profession inay collect in a mass, This is the fair How much these resu' tools favour political tyraulay, I am not qualified to say : but here I suspect mischeif. However, the cle, k in this office appear to be a civil, respectable set, and ouch bet
and conspire against the public.
ter employed in preventiug crimes, and are proba-
with a pike in his hand, met me, and civilly en-
were good. “ Les raisins
—he threatened : at
to let me off for a
fession: a man rises to an accomplished villain by
degrees, therefore the prevention of small offences hindeis the counission of atrocious crimes.
(To be continued.)
SIR,--At the time the influence of the allies caused the defection of the Duke of Ragusa from Napoleon, the Duke was stationed at time head of forty thousand of the finest troops in the French scrvice, to act as a screen on Paris, on the approach of the allies to that capital. This command formed an important post in the plan of a master-piece of Generalship, by the execution of which, had Marmont only remained faithful, the allies would have soleu in the hands of Napoleon. When the Duke of Ragusa consented to betray Napoleon, he detached twenty thousand of these troops from his army; sending them quite out of the way; the affectionate devotion to the cause of their country, and the enthusiastic attachment to Napoleon of the whole of this veteran army, rendering even the remaining twcnty thousand men a formidable corps. To these the Duke of Ragusa contrived to have thirty pound -shot served out, although their largest guns carried only Tw ENTY pounlers; and so minutely did he enter into the details of treachery. that he caused
SAND to be mixed with the powder
which was to be used by these brave fellows 1–The attempt loade by the Duke of Ragusa to vindicate his conduct towards Napoleon, ob;iges me, in coin. mon justice, to refute all his laboured defence, by this plain statement of i’ACTS : for confirmation of the trité: of which, I appeal to the survivors of all those brave soldiers, whom he TH US left to be si..AUGHTERED !! I am, &c.
- MIRA's o it.
Clifton; April 13, 1815.
MR. CoE BETT.—In the Regent's Message to Parliament, we are told, that 1 he events which have recently occurred in France, threaten consequences highly dangerous to the tranquillity and independence of Europe. Let us pause here for a moment, and consider whether or not this broad assertion be true.—Bonaparte, we know, has declared his deter. mination to rest on the Treaty of Paris; he has declared that he will not invade other countries, but only defend himself against foreign attack. In what then consists the danger to the tranquillity and independence of Europe . Why should not all Europe continue in the present state of peace? France has, by a calm Revolution, changed her Ruler; Louis left the throne, and Napoleon took it; and it is clear that Napoleoil is the choice and approbation of the Frencil People. Who dare dispute the right of the People to the choice of their Rulers In what respect then doe: this simple, but wonderful change endanger the tranquillity of Europe? We are told
that there is to be au augmentation of
his Majesty's land, and sea forces. For what purpose is this augmentation ? Will not this augmentation of land and sea forces lead to an augmentation of land and sea taxes & Is not the whole world now in a state of Poace, and ought not every thing to return to a peace establishment? Must we be for ever in the expensive attitude of war, because the tranquility of Europe may, some time or other, be disturbed ' Who is to disturb it 2 At one time, the Emperor of Russia; at another time the King of Prussia; at another, Napoleon Boüaparte, or Louis the 18th, 19in, or 29th ; may be said to endanger it. Aud so we are to be perpetually burdened with increasing
taxes, because the tranquility and inde
his Lordship. I have no room for more than the following extracts : — “I have heard much about the duty of subtilitting to the laws, but not enough to inspire me with reverence for itiquity exercised under legal appearances. It is not by him who resists injustice coumitted under the forms of law, but by him who stakes those forms the instruonents add the cloke of injustice, that the laws are violated. I did not, however, quit these walls to escape from personal oppression, but at the hazard of my life to assert that right to liberty which as a niember of the contatinity I have never forfeited, and that right which I received from you, to attack in its very den, the corruption which threatens to anniiiliate the liberties of us ail. I did not quit them to fly from the justice of my country, but to expose the wickedness, fraud, and hypocrisy of those who elude that justice by committing their enormities under the colour of its name. . I did not quit them from the childish-motive of impatience under suffering : I staid long
enough here to evince that I could en: , Hosing the dignity of resignation, aud sinking into the iguounínious endurance of an insuk. “Geutlemen; if it had not been for the commotion excited by that obnoxious, injurious, and arbitrary ineasure, the «Corn. Bill, which began to evince itself on the day of my departure from prison, (which was on the anniversary of my
f$o 479) [485 dure restraint as a pain, but not as a pe- been long most unjustly detained; but nalty. I staid long enough to be certain I judged it better to endeavour to that my persecutors were conscious of conceal my absence, and to defer my their injustice; and to feel that my sub appearance in the House until the public mission to their unmerited inflictions was agitation excited by the Corn Bill, should
escape from similar oppression at Malta
four years before, I should have lost no time in proceeding to the House of Commons: but coujecturing that the spirit of disturbance might derive solue encourage- | ment from my unexpected appearance at that time, and having no inclination to promote tumult, 1 resolved to defer my appearanceat that House, and, if possible, to conceal my departure from the Prison, until the order of the Metropolis should be restored. I bad, however, been out but a few days when I received intimation that a Committee of the IIouse of Commons appointed to enquire into the state of the Prison, had discovered that I was absent. Conceiving that they would communicate the circumstance, and anxious to obviate any false impressions as to my motives and intentions, I immediately addressed the following Letter to the Speaker, which I fully expected he would have read to the House:
subside. And I have further to request that you will also communicate to the House that it is my iniention on an early day to present myself for the purpose of taking my seat, and moving an laquiry into the conduct of Lord Ellenborough.-I have the honour to be, Sir, your most obedient humble servant,
| read that which he received from the
Marshal of the King's Bench, relative to my apprehension; the scandalous reperts which appeared in the hireling Journals, attributing my conduct to criminal or eontemplative motives, could not have been invented or propagated. “I did not go to the House of Commons to complain about losses or sufferings; about fine or in prisonment; or of property to the amount of ten times the fine, of which I have been cheated by this malicious Prosecution. # did not go to the House to complain of the mockery of having been heard in my defence, and answered by a reference to that idecision from which that Defence was an Appeal. I did not go there to complain of those who expelled me from my Profession: for if I could ... have stooped to the Enemies of my Country at home, I might still have been instrumental in humbling its Enemies abroad. I did not go to the House to complain, generally, of the Advisers of the Crown: but I went there to complain of the conduct of him—
Posted and Published by G. Housson: No 198, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the
Milor, are requested to be forwarded.
Vol. XXVII. No. 16.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 22, 1815. [Price is.
To THE Prople of ENGLAND.
The last war against France swelled the annual taxes on account of the National Debt from 9 millions of pounds to 41 millions of pounds; it caused, besides this, 600 millions of pounds to be raised, during the war, in other taxes; it has reduced us to such a state, that, even in peace, loans were become necessary, besides taxes almost as heavy as in time of war. Such, in short, in a pecuniary view, were the effects of that war, that the government found it expedient to resort to a Corn-Bill, in order to raise and keep up the price of the first necessary of life, that the Owners and Tillers of the soil might be able to pay the taxes which that government wanted to pay the interest of the Debt and to maintain the military establishments.
These facts being undeniable, have we not reason to dread the consequences of another war against France Ought we to run head-long into such a war? I have, in my four last Numbers, strenuously laboured to prevent this calamity; but, I now really begin to fear, that the wishes of the enemies of peace and freedom may finally prevail. The Income or Property Tax is again to be brought forward, and, if the news-papers be correct, on the same principle as before. The Alien Act is again to be proposed, if we are to rely upon the same sources of information. In short, if the accounts of proceedings in Parliament be true, we shall very soon be thrown back to the state of 1813 as to expence, and to 1793 as to principle of action.
In my late Numbers I have, I think, very clearly shown, that, if we now make war upon France, it will be out of the power of any human being to dispute the fact; that the war, on our part, is a war of aggression, and of aggression, too, of the most odious and intolerable kind, seaing that even its openly professed object must be to force a government, or a chief, upon France. It is said: “No ; we only,
“want to force the French to put down “ their present chief.” That is to say, we, modest people! do not wish, God forbid! to interfere in the internal affairs of France; we do not wish to force a chief upon her; but, she having a chief whom we do not like, we will make war upon her, until she put him away. That is all ! Our modesty will not let us go an inch further. In order that you may clearly see what is the light, in which the French government view the matter, I shall subjoin to this address the Official Documents published in France, relative to it. In these you will find the answer, which France gives to all her enemies. Here you will find a clear description of the grounds, on which she rests. The first document contains an answer to the charges against her and her chief; the second contains the reasons for her preparing for her defence. To these documents I have prefixed the memorable Declaration of the Allies, dated at Vienna on the 13th of March. This was the first stone hurled at the French nation. A careful perusal, and an occasional reference, to these Documents, will keep fresh in the memory of every man the REAL CAUSES of the war, if war should now take place. The Borough-faction, who are now crying out for war through the columns of our vile news-papers, tell us, that we cannot live in safety, while Napoleon is at the head of the government of France. This has, under all changes, been their cry for the last 22 years. We could not live at peace with the National Assembly. We could have no peace and safety with the Convention. We could not have peace and safety with the Consuls. We could have no peace and safety with the Emperor before; no, nor can we have it with him now. The BOURPONS: these are the people, with whom alone our Borough-faction think they can enjoy peace. We must, therefore, depose Napoieon: yes, as we deposed Mr. M.Apisox : The peace of Europe and the world; and, especially our own safety, require, we are