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No WAR WITH FRANCE.

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try before the last war, and to compare it with the present. Let us also compare the state of France at the commencemeat of the war with its present state. France had then innumerable difficulties to grapple with; a civil war, an unsettled government, no armies prepared for war, comparatively speaking, no experienced commanders to direct even those armies, and her finances in a bankrupt But now all is tranquil within

MR. COBBETT.-It is with pleasure I see the praiseworthy and patriotic exertions you are making to avert that dreadful evil, at this eventful crisis, a war with France to reinstate hereditary imbecility on the throne of that fine country. I trust your endeavours will prove success-state. ful. Surely the evils that have befallen her borders; a man of sublime and this country, daring one and twenty years peculiar energies is placed upon the of war, will teach our ministers modera-throne, who has the confidence and ar tion, and prevent them from madiy dent affections of his subjects; numerous rushing into a war, for the express pur- veteran soldiers, panting to be led forth to pose of placing upon the throne of France battle, to wipe off the disgrace which has a man, who has no other title to it, than been cast upon her by foreign soldiers polthe proud claim of legitimacy. They lating her soil and her capital with their have not, now the fallacious pretext to presence as Conquerors, are at her com justify themselves, that the people of mand; also experienced Commanders France are sighing for the " paternal who have risen from the ranks to exalted government of Louis," or that Napo- dignity solely by their merit. Her finanleon's ambition is so unbounded, that an ces are in a flourishing state, having honorable or advantageous peace cannot scarcely any debt to contend with. Inbe concluded with him; for he has deed in the midst of war she alone has declared by the advice of his council, prospered in every thing. England was "that he will faithfully observe the plunged into a war when France had all treaty of Paris. ' He says, "his own those evils I have enumerated, and many "sentiments are contrary to that, but he more, to contend with, and yet what has will wave them, as it is considered been the result? We have come worsted "advantageous for France to remain at from the contest; our debt has enor "Peace," and he has renounced all idea mously increased, and our means of deof aggrandizement by conquest. The fraying the expences of the state decreasprogress of Napoleon with a small band ed. As that has been the result of the of followers from Frejus to the Metro- last war, it cannot be doubted that worse polis itself nearly across the whole ter-will be the consequence if we may rush ritory, is so great a manifestation of the into another war against human liberty. national will in his behalf, not only of If we are desirous of preserving our bonsoldiers, but likewise of the people, that our, our country, our independence and it must be allowed, if ever man was cal- liberties, let us attempt to stem the tored to the throne by the voice of a nation rent of evil and to preserve ourselves from that man is Bonaparte Even the a déstructive war, ruinous in its tendengreatest sticklers for Louis are con- cy, and infamous in its principle, being strained to acknowledge it, and as they contrary to our Constitution, because it are forced to abandon the subterfuge of would be a war against the principles Napoleon's tyranny, they dispute the which placed the house of Brunswick on right of every nation to choose its own the English Throne. Let us then implore Sovereign; a right which our own con- the Prince Regent, that England may not stitution ensures to us, and which has be made a party in war against France, been exercised in calling our present in consequence of France having changRoyal Family to the throne. But over-ged the head of her government, by calllooking all this, and regardless of the ing Napoleon to the throne, and expelling consequences, it is to be feared that mi- Louis XVIII. nisters are determined to renew the war, for the purpose of interfering in the internal affairs of France. With such prospect before us, it becomes every one to take a view of the state of this coun

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Your's, &c.

HAMPDEN.

HOPES OF PEACE.

velopes it, to diffuse around its readers. an atmosphere of foetid stink that shall vitiate every sense of smell and taste. It is an indispensable preparation,even with the loathsome insects who usually feed upon, and live in, its muck and effluvia. The people, generally, with a vague stare, observe," I suppose we must go "to war; but, if we do, we are ruined." This is the common language. Those who are thus persuaded have little need in order to entertain right apprehensions except to examine the word must. Why must we? Is it because Bonaparte wil have it so? Of this, there is not the least proof. Let them consider this, and they will serve their country. Men as they are, they will not be effectually op posed by vermin and the Times. Why must we? Is it because we will have it so? Aye, that is the true question. Will you, then, have it so? Why? Give a reason. You have not the face to utter

MR. COBBETT.-We have again been favored with precious specimens of the elegancies of the Times, which would only occasion a few smiles on the countenance of taste, were it not that they have the most wicked and diabolical tendency; were they not dictated by the most sordid and scandalous view; to mere gain arising from the blood, and misery of human beings; and, were they not indications of the degradation and vulgarity of the English character, as exhibited by the more wealthy part of the community. It is almost incredible, but it is most true, that the elegancies of the Times are exactly suited to the Meridian of our Nabobs, our West-India Planters, our Gentlemen, and our Lordships. It is certain, therefore, that the education of our country has woefully degenerated, and that the generosi, the ingenui homines; the viri culti, et liberalis it, for you must say that it is for Louis, inštitutiones ; are no longer to be sought or against Bonaparte. You dare not say for in the higher ranks of the British pub-it, unless you have the foul impudence of lic, since they, like dumb sows, can eat the worms fed by the Times, who are up all the draff of Billingsgate, and fit only to be trodden under your feet. the Times. I speak not of opinions, What have you to do with Louis or Bonabut of taste; with opinions we should parte? Will you say that you dread a have no quarrel. The pen would cor- man of talents, and can you find security rect them. But when slavish opinions only in a fool, as the Ruler of France? are dressed in all the drabbery of the Well, are you quite sure that the race of vilest canaille, and the little great are the one will all possess talents, and the enraptured with the whoresor gabardine, dynasty of the other continue fools to the honor, and taste, and virtue recoil, and end of time? Do not say it. The doltshun the loathsome spectacle. The efish skull of a Times-editor alone can forts of eloquence and literature are palsied, and retire before the tousled hag, the queen of the vulgar great.

But this is not the object of this letter, Sir, norbasit been suggested by the deadly loathing, which any one, with a spark of gentlemanly policy, must experience from the sight of the trash of the Times. My purpose is to speak to the probability of the continuance of peace in the present circumstances.

contain such a lampoon on the one, and such an encomium on the other. Of such ideotism the Times and its admirers

give precious specimens every day. No, the people of England, though somewhat stupified, are not for war, which, without doing any good, may ruin them.

2. I augur, from Lord Fitzroy Somerset's continuance in Paris, that the Government does not mean to go to war. No event has lately given me more pleaI freely confess that I have much good sure than this, which is an evident proof reason to expect that the nation will not of the peaceable disposition of some of now be plunged into war. Allow me to our rulers. It shews their wisdom and state those reasons for the consideration magnanimity more than any thing they of your readers.I. The general sentiment have hitherto done. Indeed, thinking out of the augean stable of the mob that only of their probable love of war, and swallows the ordure of the Times, is not their late disappointment as to the safor the recommencement of hostilities.pient settlement of Europe; considering This is evident from the necessity which also the turbent passions of the venal the Times evidently feels of an extraor-supporters of violent measures, by which dinary stirring up of the mind that in-they profit so much, and the stupor of the

448

Charles Fox

some illustrious examples.
was in a course of refinement and me-
lioration to the last moment of his life.
Lord Grenville, who began his career
with William Pitt, may be suspected of
not having set out well. But, assuredly,
he has seen his error, and, with some
remaining objectionable points, is be-
come an upright statesman, a real pa-

majority of the public; I could scarcely believe the fact that Lord Somerset had remained in France at the seat of Government. I confess, I did not expect such an indication of good sense. Was it possible, that our governors should have surpassed, in prudence and greatness of mind, the warmest lovers of peace? They certainly have, for I would lay a bet that not one of us would have before-hand | triot-though sometimes mistaken-and suggested the measure. We sincerely an upright friend of the constitution and thank you, generous rulers. In this you liberties of his country. With those, have done well; you have done admirably. there is, I think, much reason to class Am I not then justified in believing that Lord Liverpool. Often have I wished he we have solid grounds for expecting the could free himself from his present ascontinuance of peace? Besides, it is cer-sociates, that the bent of his changed tain that our government communicates with that of France.

3. If report speaks truth, my Lord Liverpool is a decided friend of peace.You will not scruple to admit some eulogium on this nobleman, although you, as well as I, disapprove of many of his political principles and practices. In truth, Lord Liverpool wears an improving character, and is likely to become a true and enlightened friend of his country, of its peace and liberty. There are not many men of this description, for the common course of human nature is from good to better, or from bad to worse, as habits acquire force and ascendancy.Good and ingenuous minds only are capable of the change from bad to good, while they must be vile indeed which can change from good to bad. Of this last description are our evangelical politicians generally. They appear to have commenced with some grains of conscience. They have degenerated with evident timidity. They feared to plunge.. But they have almost all plunged into the gulph of political depravity, and there taken their natural course, immersing deeper and deeper in the sink of corruption. Of those who were originally bad, and who, in due course, increased in delinquency, are too many public characters of the present day to admit of consideration. Of those who have refined with time, and have even been changed by experience and reflection, there are

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ར་

At

disposition might have free course.
this time, I think it almost providential,
since he continues to retain his inclina-
tions for the right, and not the wrong,
that he has remained in the midst of these
men that he cannot help despising. He
may make the ascendancy of his incipient
and aspiring virtue triumphant over
them, and over the confines of efts, newts
and tadpoles that gulp down the sordes
of the Times. The time is coming when
Lord Liverpool will either direct the
course of this nation in peace, and wis-
dom, and reform or protest against its
madness, and folly, and corruption, and
stand as a bulwark, with other patriots,
against its fall, or be buried gloriously in
its ruins.

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P.S. I forgot to tell you, that it is my intention to publish, about once in a quarter of a year, a collection, price 2s. with this title," Elegancies of the Times," with notes explanatory, laudatory, and critical; to perpetuate to future ages a specimen of the taste of the wealthy British at this period. Your readers will oblige me by subscribing for this work without delay, and you will, I hope, request your publisher to take their names. (This is serious.)

Printed and Published by G. HouSTON: No. 19, Strand; where all Communications addressed... to Editor are requested to be forwarded,

VOL. XXVII. No. 15.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 15, 1815.

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make to us, as it is asserted he is, all sorts of sacrifices in order to obtain peace; for, it ought to be recollected, that the leaders of the Republic, in me year 1733, went much further in this way than the Emperor has yet gone; and still the Republic, when, ai last, driven into a war of defence, was found able to frustrate the designs of all her enemies, and, indeed, not only to defend her own so but to invade and conquer a large po tion of the scil of those who had attacked

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If I were to study for the remainder of my life, I could not fall upon a definition of the late Message, more true and com-her. plete, than that which is contained in In the speech, to which I have above this single line from the pen of the best alluded, your Lordship sets out with the of poets. But, why are you willing to position, that the late events had led to wound? I can see reasons enough, and an order of things likely to release the you have already seen them from my “world from dangers and calamities; pen, why you should be afraid to strike." to restore the natural and social sys I have read your speech, and also those of the other persons who seem to feel as you feel; and I still can see no reason whatever for war against › France, I can see no reason why we should not remain at peace with that country and with all the world; while I see very great danger to this country and to the rest of Europe in a renewal of hostilities.

"tem; to restore the body politic of "Europe; to improve the state of Eu

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rope; to preserve the tranquillity of the world:" and that the return of Na poleon had served to blight the prospects which the great labours of the Allied "Powers had operated to produce You seem to have regarded these positions as universally admitted to be true; The war of 1793 was called a Crusade, for you did not make the slightest atand very justly so called. By some it tempt to prove the truth of them. As was decreed a crusade in the cause of to the natural and social system;"sas religion and & social order; by others, to the "body politic of Europe " Isdo a crusade against liberty. That it was not know the meaning of these phrases, a war of kings and nobles, and priests, and shall not, therefore, for the present against the enemies of kingly, and feudal, dispute about them. But, in my view and ecclesiastical Government, all the of the matter, the state of Europe was world must allow; and, it is impossible NOT improved by the events to which to look at the present state of things you referred; in my view of the matter, without perceiving, that Europe is, all the world was NOT released from lanof a sudden, come back to the state of gers and calamities by those events; and, 1793, with this difference in favour of I think, it is now pretty clear, that these the French, that they are now in the ac- events did NOT tend to preserve, the tual enjoyment of almost the whole of tranquillity of the world. If, indeed, the benefits promised them by the advo-we look upon the fall of superstition and cates of the revolution. You seem to of feudal power as a calamity, then it have a very different opinion of the mat- must be confessed, that the success of ter. That opinion, as it has been com- the Allies did promise to release a partof municated to us through the Parliamen- the world from catamity; and, if we dary reports, I am now about to examine; look upon the re-establishment of the premising here, that it appears to me zo Pope, the Jesuits, and the inguisition be very erroneous to auger success against on the oue «band, and the extinguish France because her Emperor is ready toment of the Republies of Holland, F.

ice, and Genoa, on the other hand, amiralty to the Fleet, directly after the abdication of Napoleon, expressed a confident expectation, that the war against America would end in a way to give lasting tranquillity to the civilized

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an improvement in the state of Europe; then, it must be confessed, that the suc cesses of the Allies had improved the state of this important quarter of the globe; but, there was another quarter o; the globe, which your lordship wholly Now, my Lord, what would I give to omitted, at which I greatly marvel; be know, whether you look upon the state cause the merit of endeavouring to re- of things in America as coming within "store the natural and social system" your view, when. you talk about the in that country; the merit of endea Social System!" Because the state of vouring to improve the state of America, things there bears a strong resemblance was exclusively our own; unless, in- to the state of things now existing, or, deed, the Allies did, as it was asserted, at least, fast approaching, in France. A by our news-papers, they had done, Chief Magistrate, a Legislature, elected make a secret contract not to interfereby the people; no sovereignty acknowin our war with the transatlantic repub-ledged but that which proceeds from,and licans; and, even in that case, their resides in the people; no feudal rights; share of the merit was very small indeed, no superiority claimed by birth; no priMy Lord, what would I give to know vileged orders; no dominant church;, precisely the meaning of your words, no compulsory payments to ministers of when talk of the SOCIAL SYSTEM! religion; no religious tests; no restraint you Until we know this, however, there is no on the press as to matters of opinion; such thing as approving of any of your perfect equality of civil rights. So that, conclusions. We have seen you at war if this state of things do not belong to against NAPOLEON, and against Mr. the "Social System," it would seem MADISON, at one and the same time. that the world would still be in a very We have seen, within the space of four unsatisfactory state, though the Bours months, troops in the pay of England in-bons were again on the throne of France. vading both France and America; in Does your Lordship mean, that the possession of the cities of Paris and Social System" is restored in Spain? Washington, Were both of these Chief In Italy? At Genoa? It would be conMagistrates enemies of the "Social Sys-ferring a great favour on the nation to "tem?" I must again remind you. that the press in England denominated Mr. Madison a rebel and a traitor, as they now denominate Napoleon; that they declared that no peace could be made with James Madison, as they now declare for the second time, that no peace can be made with Napoleon Bonaparte; that they insisted on the necessity of carrying on the war till the mischievous example of a Government, founded on a democratical rebellion, should be destroyed; that they urged the necessity of prosecuting the war against America upon the same principle as it had been so successfully prosecuted against France; and, that they published with impunity a declaration, which they ascribed to one of the Lords of the Admiralty, and gave it as if delivered by him in parliament: in which declaration it was stated, that we must carry on the war till James Madison should be deposed in like manner as Napoleon had been deposed. It is necessary that I also remind you, that a ●rcular address of the Lords of the Ad

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let us have have a yea or nay answer to this question; because we should then know, if we are to go to war, precisely what we are fighting and toiling to restore and establish.

Your Lordship's next positions are: that the return of Napoleon to power is by no means the effect of the will or the wish of the people of France, and, that it is quite clear, that the event is to be ascribed wholly to artifice and the overwhelming in uence of a military chief and his army! You are a cool, a very cool man, my Lord, or I should think, that this must have been a misrepresentation of your words. What! believe that Napoleon, an exile in Elba, could land with 600 followers, and go 500 miles along the high road, and then enter Paris, without a single hand raised against him, through many very populous and strongly fortified towns, without the good wishes of the people! Really this must be that sort of faith which is able to remove mountains. In my last letter to you and in my letter to the late king

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