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to the agents of the United States, who may be respectively appointed and authorised to manage the business on behalf of their respective governments. The said Commissioners shall be respectively paid in such manner as shall be agreed between the two contracting parties, such agreement being to be settled at the time of the exchange of the ratifications of this treaty. And all other expenses attending the said Commissioners shall be defraved equally by the two parties. And in case of death, sickness, resignatiou, or necessary absence, the place of every such Commissioner respectively shall be supplied in the same manner as such Commissioner was appointed, and the new Commissioner shall take the same oath or affirmation, and do the same duties. it is further agreed between the two contracting parties, that in case any of the islands mentioned in any of the preceding articles, which were in the possession of one of the parties prior to the commencement of the present war between the two countries, should, by the decision of any of the Boards of Commissioners aforesaid, or of the sovereign or state so referred to, as in the four next preceding articles contained, fall within the dominions of the other party, all grants of land inade previous to the commencement of the war, by the party having had such possession, shall be as valid as if such island or islands, had by sueh decision or decisions, been adjudged to be within the dominions of the party having had such possession. Art. 9. The United States of America engage to put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians, with whom they may be at war at the time of such ratification ; and forthwith to 1estore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to in 1811, previous to such hostilities; provided always, that •uch tribes or nations shall agree to desist from ali hostilities, against the United States of America, their citizens and subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty being notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so desist accordingly, And his Britannic Majesty engages, on his part, to put an end immediately after the ratification of the present treaty, to hostilities with all the tribes or nations of Indians" with whom he may be at war at the time of such ratification, and forthwith to restore to such tribes or nations, respectively, all the possessions, rights, and privileges, which they may have enjoyed or been entitled to, in 1811, previous to such hostilities; provided always, that

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such tribes or nations shall agree to desist from all hostilities against his Britannic Majesty, and his subjects, upon the ratification of the present treaty oeing notified to such tribes or nations, and shall so Jewist accordingly. Art. 10. Whereas the traffic in slaves is irreconcileable with the principles of humanity and justice, and whereas both his Majesty and the United States are desirous of continuing their efforts to promote its entire abolition, it is hereby agreed that beth the contracting parties shall use their best endeavours to accomplish so desirable an object. Art. 11. This treaty, when the same shall have been ratified on both sides, without alteration by either of the contracting parties, and the ratifications mutually exchanged, shall be binding on both parties; and the ratififications shall, be exchanged at Washington, in the space of four months from this day, or sooner if practicable. In faith whereof, we the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed this treaty, and have thereunto affixed our seals. Done in triplicate, at Ghent, the 24th day of December, 1814.

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• Now, therefore, to the end that the said treaty of peace and amity may be observed, with good faith on the part of the United States, 1, James Madison, president as aforesaid, have caused the premises to be made public; and I do hereby enjoin all persons bearing office, civil or military, within the United States, and all others, cititens or inhabitants thereof, or being within the same, faithfully to observe and fulfil the said treaty. and every clause and article thereof—In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the United States to be affixed to these presents, and signed the same with my hand. Done at the City of Washington, this eighteenth day of February, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and fifteen, and of the sovereignty and independence of the United States the thirty-ninth.

JAMES MADISON, By the President,

JAMEs MUNRo, ActingSecretary of State.

Printed and Published by G. Houston : No. 192, Strand ; where all Communications addressed to...he ... Editor are requested to be forwarded, *

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Vol. XXVII. No. 18.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 1, 1815. [Price ls.

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The grand event, which has just taken place in France, and which is so well calculated to convince all mankind of the folly as well, as the injustice, of using foreign force for the purpose of dictating to a great nation who they shall have for their rulers, or what shall be the form of their Government; this grand event, instead of producing such conviction in the minds of those persons connected with the London Newspapers, Magazines and Reviews, who are called Cossack writers ; so far from producing such conviction in their minds, this grand event seems to have made them more eager than ever for interference in the domestic affairs of France; and, while the cries of our countrymen at New Orleans are yet vibrating on our ears, these men are endeavouring to urge you and you reolleagues on to the sending of thou sands upou thousands more of our men, and to expend hundreds of millions more of our money, in order to overset a Government which the French nation love, and to compel them to submit to one which they hate, or, at least, despise, from the bottom of their hearts, and with an unanimity absoluteiy unparalleled.

Miy Lord, if my advice had been followed, we should have had no American War; the 20 or 30,000 men and the 50 or 60 millions of money, which that unfortunate war has cost us, and which have only, as it turns out, created an American Navy, and exalted the Republic amongst the nations of the world, would all have been saved. The literary Cossacks of London, were, I verily believe, the chief cause of that war. They urged you and your colleagues on to the Westruction of the American FORM OF GOVERNMENT. Napoleon being, as they thought, down, never to rise again, they urged you to make war, till you had

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put down James Madison, and “DELIVERED THE WORLD of the existence of that EXAMPLE of the success of DEMOCRATICREBELLION.” “No peace with Madison,” was their cry. Kill! kill keep killing,till he is put down, in like manner as Napoleon is put down | This was their incessant cry. And, in a short time after Napoleon was exiled to the Isle of Elba, these literary Cossacks published a paragraph, which they inserted in the report of the debates in the House of Commons, as the report of the speech of SIR Joseph York E, then and now one of the Lords of the Admi ralty, in the following words; to wit.— “SiR J. York E observed, that although one great enemy of this country, Bonaparte, had been deposed, there was

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ON was also necessary to our interest;"

he meant Mr. President Madison ; and with a view to ‘THAT DEPOS!TION, a considerable naval force must be kept up, especially in the Atlantic. But as to his honorable friend's opinion respecting the reduction of the Navy, he wished it to be considered. that a number of shipping were employed in conveying French prisoners to France, and bringing home our own countrymen. So much for the occupation of our navy, on the home station.—But from the Mediterranean for instance, several three deckers were ordered home, and he could swear that no practical exertion would be remitted to reduce the expence of our Naval Department.”

With what shame ! with what sorrow, would these writers, if they had not lost | all sense of shame, and all feeling for their country, now look back on their conduct at the time to which I am referring ! Instead, however, of feeling shane for that conduct, they are now acting the same part over again; they are now reviving all their old calumnies against the Emperor Napoleon; they are abusing the French army and the French people; they are bestowing on them appellations almost

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another gentleman whose DEPOSITI

too infamous to be repeated; and they \pentine River, the crawling worship, ers

are calling upon you and your colleagues to make a war of extermination upon tha' people, unless they will receive and adop the ruler and the Government appointed, or pointed out, by England. These men called Mr. Madison a TRAITOR and to REBEL; and they are now calling Na. poleon a TRAITOR and a REBEL. They called the Americans slaves, vislains, thieves; and these appellations with many others, not excepting courards, they are now bestowing on the French people. They now see that you and your colleagues have found it necessary of make a treaty of peace and amity with Mr. Madison, whom they called a traitor and a rebel; but, these men are of that description of fools to whom experience cannot teach wisdom, and they are now repeating their cry, no peace with Napolcon: no peace till the Bourbons are again on the throne of France; war with the French until they adopt a ruler in whom we have confidence. There is something so unjust in this proposition: something so savage in the very idea of making war for such a purpose: something so arrogant, so impu

dent, so insolent, that, were it not for - the impotence of the persons who make it,

it could not fail to fill every Frenchman's breast with indignation inexpressible. Nevertheless, having seen the cocct of the writings of these men as to the American War; having seen how completely they succeeded in causing the people of ‘Englaud to believe, that it was just and wise to make war for the purpose of deposing MR. MADI’so N, there is reason to fear, that their present labours will not be wholly ineffectual: that, indeed, it is possible, that they may again succeed in their mischievous objects: and, therefore, I shall endeavour to shew, that the war, which they recommend, would be unjust and hateful in its objects, and, in its consequences, likely to be fatal o our country.

I am aware, my Lord, of the morti

fication which is now felt in England : I

am aware of the acuteness of the sting:

I see how difficult it must be for the rejoicers of April last, the wearers of lau

rel and white cockades, the roasters of

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of Whiskers and of Jack-boots: I am aware, my Lord, how difficult it must be for these persons, comprising no very sr. . part of those who call themselves .. UPPER ORDERS, now to look each other in the face. I am well aware of the fire that must burn in their bosoms, and I pity them accordingly. I am aware, too, of the situation of those public men, who, since the exile of Napoleon, have expressed “their sorrow, that those great “statesmen, Burke, Pitt, and Perceral, “ were not alive to witness, and to par“ ticipate in the general joy at the tri“umph of their principles.” I am aware of the situation of those (amongst whom is, the Chancellor of the Exchequer) who have so recently eulogized the Income, or Property Tax, upon the ground of the complete triumph which it had enabled us to obtain over Napoleon, and of the fair prospect which it had given us of a long and prosperous peace. I am, above ail, aware of the feelings of yourself, my Lord, who have acted so high a part in the exiling of Napoleon, who have been so loudly eheered on that a c. count; who, after detailing the od views and proceedings of the different

powers at the Congress of Vienna, too. the Holise of Commons, on MQN DAY, the 20th of this raonth of March, that our great, and enormous sacrifices had purchased a fair prospect of happy tranquillify for us and for Europe, for twenty years to come: and who learnt, on the NEXT WELNESDAY, that Napoleon. was again at the head of the French nation, Louis le Desire, having already reached Abbeville on his way out of France : I am well aware of the existence and of the powerful effect of all these feelings: but, still I do not abandon the hope, that the disappointment, the mortification, the shame, the blind rage of the herd of Napoleon's haters will not be able to induce you and your colleagues to listen to the dictates of passion instead of those of reason, and to plunge your country into a bew and fatal war.

There are too objects very distinct, for lo the literary Cossacks are caijing for war: the first is, to put down and destroy Napoleon and to compel the | French people to submit to the Fourbons: the second is, to secure Belgium to the new king of the Netherlands, who, i only on the 16th of this present month, took upon himself, formally, the sovereignty of the Belgian provinces. I am against war for either of these objects. I think, that, for neither of them, nor for both together, we ought to go to war; and, I now proceed to state the reasons upon which that opinion is founded. As to the first of these proposed objects of war, the case is this. For more than a century, the French people had been objects of contempt with the people of England, because the former patiently submitted to arbitrary and oppressive government, ecclesiastical as well as civil. I appeal, not to our songs and theatrical pieces (though no bad criterion), nor to our paintings and prints; but, to the most approved historical, political, and moral writings in our language, and to the speeches in both Houses of Parliament. I appeal to these for proof of the fact ; that, up to the year 1789, the English nation held the French nation in contempt on account of their patient submission to an arbitrary king, who could imprison or exile any of them at pleasure, and to a cormorant priesthood, who, in a great degree, devoured the fruit of men's labour. In short, it is notorious, that, previous to the year 1789, Frenchman and Slave and even Coward were, in the minds of Englishmen, almost synonymous terms. In 1789, the French nation began to make a change, or revolution, in their Government, and expressed their deternination to have perfect freedom. , Between the beginning of this year and the summer of 1791, many schemes of Government were proposed : and, at last, one was agreed on and formally accepted by the king. But, in spite of the king's acceptance, his BROTHERS, Louis, le Desire, and the Comte d'Artois, together with the other Princes of the family, went out of France, and, from places on the borders of that kingdom, issued their protests against the King's acceptance of the Constitution. In these protests they declared their resolution to overset the constitution by force of arms if they could, and if force should be necessary. At length, in 1792, the Emperor of Germany and the King of Prussia marched an army into France, under the late Duke of Brunswick, who issued a proclamation, stating it to be his intention to “restore the King of France to his legitimate “power,” and threatening to inflict on the people the most terrible punishments if


or their return last year.

they opposed him. This step enraged the people; they soon after put the king and queen to death. They marched against the Duke of Brunswick and hisGermans; beat them, and began that series of conquests, which have made France so famous and so much feared in the world. It is well known, that divers changes in the internal government of France had taken place previously to the time when Napoleon was proclaimed Emperor of that country. It is also well known, that he was exiled in April 1814; and, that, while the Capital of France was occupied by an army of Austrians, Prussians and Russians, subsidized by us, the eldest brother of the late king of France was brought to Paris from England, put upon the throne, and made ruler of

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years, as far as relates to the internal government of France. At the out-set, the French expected us to be the first people on earth to congratulate them on their newly-acquired freedom, and the very last in the world to find fault with them for over-stepping the real bounds of liberty. They soon found their mistake; for, Mr. Burke, whose profound wisdom the Chancellor of the Exchequer has, within a few weeks, so highly extolled, attacked the French people, in speeches in Parliament and in pamphlets, so early as 1791, two years before the king was put to death. . Mr. Burke called upon England and all other powers of Europe to make war upon the French people; and, Mr. Burke, soon after this, had a pension granted him of 3,000 pounds sterling a year. When France was invaded in 1792, and a great emigration took place from

that country, the emigrant nobles and

priests were received in no country with so much kindness as in England: and, it is notorious, that we paid them pensions from that time to the time of their death, It is equally notorious, that we have chaployed many of these emigrants, as officers, or soldiers, in our wars against France. When we began our first war,in 1793, we professed to have no desire to interfere in the internal government of France. We complained of her disorganizing principles, which, we said, threatened the

overthrow of all regular governments; and, that, therefore, our war against her was a war of self-defence. Of late years, our tone has been wholly changed. We no longer talk of the disorganizing principles of the French. On the contrary, we have, of late years, represented them as living under a most horrible despotism. We have been constantly talking of the iron sceptre of Napoleon, and pitying the poor wretches who lived under it. It was not against the French people, we said, that we were making war: , but against the “ tyrant,” as we called him, who had loaded them with chains, and to free the poor creatures from which chains was one of the benign objects for which we and our allies, the Russians and Germans marched into France. How stands the case, then? Up to the wear 1788 inclusive we despise the people of France, because they are slares, under the reign of the Bourbons. When they throw off the authority of the Bourbons, we call them anarchists and rebels. When they choose an Emperor, we again call them slates : , and when we succeed at last by the aid of an initense army of Russians and Germans, in putting the Bourbons on the throue again, we say, that we have restored them to liberty. Now, my Lord, if I were to grant this latter assertion to be true, I should not be less disposed to object to a war for the second restoration of the Bourbons: because the French people themselves are the best judges of the sort of ruler that they shall ilave, and because it is now impossible to deny, that their choice is in favour of Napoleon. If, indeed, Napoleon had landed with a numerous army: if, by any extraordinary means, a considerable army had been prepared to join him on his laiding : if there had existed an insurrection in the country previous to, or on his landing: in either of these cases, there might have been doubt with regard to the free sentiments of the peopie; hut, the country is perfectly quiet; no rising, no disturbances, any where; the whole country is in the hands of Louis's officers, civil and military; and Napoleon lands and rides on to the Capital, not only without an army, but in as defenceless a condition as if he had been a private gentleman coming home to his estate. For cleven long years we repre sent him as hated and detested by the

people of France, whom we represent as

suffering ail sorts of oppression under him. We represent the conscripts dragged in chains to his armies; we represent the land as become fruitless for the want of tillage; we represent the disconsolate fathers and mothers rending the skies with execration on tie m nraerer of their beloved children; we represent the country as being full of Bastiles and these filled with prisoners like the dungeons of the Inquisition. These representations the far greater part of the people of England really believe; and they rejoice at his fall and his exile. Well, se voilà. exile ! It is done. He is exiled. The Bourbons are restored. We are immediately told, that all France is happy; that the government of Louis le Besiré is a “paternal" government; that law, religion, liberty aud happiness are restored to a people, so long oppressed. The Bourbons' have the govertudent in their hands for a year; they pass laws, make a new constitution, grant rewards, appoint officers, . reorganize the army, garrison all the towns, have all the treasure and all the power of that vast and popolous country’ in their hands; and, at the end of the year Napoleon lands with eleven hundred men, the people flock around him in every di: rection, he proceeds along the great road500 miles from Cannes to Paris, and’ though proclamations, decrees and orders, and promises of in, mense rewards are poured forth against His life, not a single man does all France contain to hold up a hand against him ' and, amidst the acclamations of millions, he comes, witheut a sword to protect him, to resume kis authority? Ah! my Lord, feel as we will; say what we will, this is the grandest, the most magnificent spectacle, that ever presented itself for the contemplation of the human mind. Of all the triumphs that TRUTH ever obtaincó, this is the most signai. For eleven years almost all the presses of England, and, indeed, of the greater part of £urope; half the presses of America; the makers of harangues; the poiitical preackers, were at work to cause it to be believed, that Napoleon was the cruelest tyrant that ever blackened the page of history; and, since his fail, the calumhies which have been poured out on him by the presses and the speechmakers of England, Germany, and France, exceed, perhaps, all that were ever uttered before

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