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position which I had taken on the rear of the enemy's army, by separating it from its magazines, from its parks of reserve, from its convoy and all its equipages, had placed it in a desperate situation. The French were never on the point of being more powerful, and the flower of the enemy's army was lost without resource: it would have found its grave in those vast countries which it had mercilessly ravaged, when the treason of the Duke of Ragusa, gave up the capital, and disorganized the army. The unexpected conduct of those two Generals, who betrayed at once their country, their Prince, and their benefactor, changed the destiny of the war. The disastrous situation of the enemy was such, that at the conclusion of the affair which took place before Paris, it was without ammunition, on account of its separation from its parks of reserve. Under these new and important circumstances, my heart was rent, but my soul remained unshaken. I consulted only the interest of the country. I exiled myself on a rock in the middle of the sea. My life was, and ought to be, still useful to you. ... I did not permit the great number of citizens, who wished to accompany me, to partake my lot. I thought their presence useful to France; and 1 took with me only a handful of brave men, necessary for my guard. Raised to the Throne by your choice, all that has been done without you is illegitimate. For twenty-five years France has had new interests, new institutions, and new glory, which could only be secured by a national Government, and by a Dynasty created under these new circumstances. who should reign over you, who should be seated on my throne by the power of those very armies which ravaged our territory would in vain attempt to sup

port himself with the principles of feudal

law: he would not be able to recover the honour and the rights of more

than a small number of individuals,

enemies of the people, who, for twenty-five years, have condemned then in all our national assemblies. Your tranquillity at home, and your consequeuee abroad, would be lost for ever.— } renchmen In my exile I heard your complaints and your wishes : you deInanded that Government of your choice which alene was legitimate. You ac

A Prince ||

cused my long slumber; you reproached me for sacrificing to my repose the great interests of the country. I have crossed the seas in the midst of dangers of every kind: I arrive amongst you to resume my rights, which are your's. All that individuals have done, written, or said, since the capture of Paris, I will be for ever ignorant of: it shall not at all influence the recollections which I preserve of the important services which they have performed. These are circumstances of such a nature as to be above human organization. Frenchmen : There is no nation, however small it may be, which has not had the right, and which may not withdraw itself from the disgrace of obeying a Prince imposed on it by an enemy momentarily victorious.

When Charles VII. re-entered Paris, and

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be lost, even the memory of those immortal days. With what fury do they pervert their very nature. They seek to poison what the world admires: and if there still remain any defenders of our glory, it is among those very enemies whom we have fought on the field of battle. Soldiers, in my exile, I heard your voice: I have arrived through all obstacles and all perils; your General, called to the throne by the choice of the people, and educated under your banners, is restored to you : come and join him. Tear down those colours which the nation has proscribed, and which for 25 years served as a rallying signal to all the enemies of France : mount the cockade tri-colour: you bore it in the days of our greatness. We must forget that we have been masters of nations; but we must not suffer auy to intermeddle in our affairs. Who si, all piesume to be masters over us? Who would have the power? Recover those eagles which you had at Ulm, at Austerlitz, at Jena, at Eylau, at Friedland, at Tudela, at Eckmuhl, at Essling, at Wagram, at Smolensko, at Moscow, at Lutzen, at Wurken, at Montmirail. Do you think that the handful of Frenchmen, who are now so arrogant, will endure to look on them 1 They shall return whence they came, and there if they please they shall reign as they pretend to have reigned during 19 years. Your possessions, your rank, your glory, the possessions, the iank, the glory of your children, have no greater enemies than those Princes whom foreigners have imposed upon us; they are the enemies of our glory, because the recital of so many heroic actions, which have glorified the people of France fighting against them, to withdraw themselves from their yoke, is their condemnation. "The veterans of the armies of the Sambre and the Meuse, of the Rhine, of Italy, of Egypt, of the West, of the Grand Army, are all humiliated: their honourable wounds are disgraced; their successes were crimes; those heroes were rebels, if, as the enemies of the people,the legitimate Sovereigns were in the midst of the fo– reign armies. Honours, rewards, affection are given to those who have served against the country and us. Soldiers come and ange yourselves under the standards of your Chief; his existence is only composed of yours; his rights are only those of the people and yours; his interest, his honour, his glory, are no other, than your

interest, your honour, and your glory. Victory shall march at the charge step; the eagle, with the national colours, shall fly from steeple to steeple,even to the towers of NotreDame. Then you will be able to shew your scars with honour; then you will be able to glory in what you have done; you will be the deliverers of the 'country. In your old age, surrounded and esteemed by your fellow-citizens, they will hear you with respect while you recount your high deeds; you will be able to say with pride:–“And I, too,was part of that grand army, which entered twice the walls of Vienna, those of Rome, of Madrid, of Moscow; and which delivered Paris from the foul plot which treason, and the presence of the enemy, inprinted on it.” Honoured be those brave soldiers, the glory of the country; and eternal shame to those guilty Frenchmen, . in whatever rank fortune caused them to be born, who fought for 25 years with the foreigner, to tear the bosom of the country. By the Emperor,

(Signed) NAPoleoN.

The Grand Marshal performing the func. tions of Major-General of the Grand Army. BERTRAND,

Declaration of His Majesty the Emperor of the French, to the French, and particularly to the Parisians.

After an abdication, the circumstances of which you are acquainted with; after a Treaty, all the articles of which have been violated; after having seen my retreat penetrated by numerous assassins, all sent by the Bourbons; after having seen the French Ministers intriguing at Wienna, to wrest from me the asylum to which I was reduced, and to take from my wife and son the States which had been guaranteed to them ; from that son, whose birth inspired you with so lively a joy, and who ought to have been to all the Sovereigns a sacred pledge. All these attempts made in violation of plighted faith, have restored me to my throne and my liberty. Frenchment soon I shall be in my Capital. I come surrounded by my brave brethren in arms—after having delivered our Provinces of the South, and my good city of Lyons from the reign of fanaticism, which is that of the Bourbons. Fifteen days have sufficed me to unite these faithful warriors, the honour of France : and before the 30th of this month, your happy Emperor, the Sovereign of your choice, will put to flight those slothful Princes who wish to render you tributary to foreigners, and the contempt of Europe. France shall still be the happiest country in the world. The French shall still be the Great Nation--Paris shall again become the Queen of Cities, as well as the seat of sciences and the arts. In concert with you I will take measures, in order that the State may be governed constitutionally, and that a wise liberty may never degenerate into licentiousness, I will mitigate, to the satisfaction of all, those imposts become odious, which the Bourbo NS gave you their princely word, they would abolish under the title of Droits Reunis, and which they have re-established under the title of indirect impositions. Property shall be without distinction respected and sacred, as well as individual liberty. The general tranquillity shall be constantly the object of my efforts; commerce; our flourishing manufactures; and agriculture, which under my reign attained so high a prosperity, shall be relieved from the enormous imposts

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Mr. COBB ETT–I have observed for some time past a series of letters in your Journal on Religious Persecution, by a person signing himself ERAs MUs PERKINS, whose writings I cousider particularly dangerous. I have no fault to find with his arguments against persecution, because I deem it perfectly incon- . sistent with the genuine spirit of christianity; nor do I object to the various illustrations he has brought forward in support of his favourite positions; but I think his articles have a mischievous tendency, inasmuch as they are tinctured with a profession of religion, when they are evidently aimed at the very foundation of it. This writer stands behind the bastions of the Church, and is at the same time discharging his artillery against her, by artfuliy directing your readers to the perusal of almost every seeptical writer who has flourished since the birth of our Saviour. The principal reason of my troubling you with this,is, that I have lately seen a new monthly magazine advertised, in most of the Country papers, under the title of, “THE THEG. Dog ICAL INQUIRE::,” and purporting to be conducted by a person of the same name as your hypocritical correspondent; a circumstance that has deterred me from becoming a subscriber, as I could not form a high opinion of a Religious Journal under the controul of such a man as Erasmus Perking, who appears, if I may judge from the general tenor of his letters, to be a decided enemy to revealed religion, notwithstanding he so often makes use of the phrase, “cur holy religion.”—I shall feel myself perticularly obliged, if any of your readers will give me correct information cn the subject; or if they are ignorant of the identity of the persons, they may perhaps be able to acquaint me, through the medium of your Register, with the complexion of the work, which will, of course, guide me in forming a judgment as to how far it is worthy my support.

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SIR,-Your zealous endeavours to prevent the few from oppressing the many, embolden me to apply to you on the present occasion; and however your attention may be occupied by weightier matters, I flatter myself you will not refuse a small portion of your paper, to my remarks.--Whether the means adopted by Government for the last few years, have been beneficial or injurious to the country, I will not pretend to determine. Certain it is, that money must be raised for the exigencies of the state ; and Mr. Vansittart has considered that men free from the expenses attendant upon a family, can best afford to contribute to this purpose.—Is this a sufficient cause for the sarcasms now directed against women?— Their foibles are exposed and ridiculed, and their respectability lesselled, by attacks, which, but for their frequency would be undeserving of notice.—That state of life which enables us to confer, as well as to receive happiness, will naturally be preferred to one of unsocial, though tranquil satisfaction. Nor need the avowal of this preference, raise a blush on any cheek.-Yet am I persuaded, from my own experience, that two thirds of those distinguished by the appellation of old maids, owe it to their filial duty, to their prudence, or to their rectitude of principle.—Bachelors, when they exclaim against the present tax, forget that they do not, like the Father of a family, present to their country a numerous and active race, to adorn and to defend it;

nor do they, like women, add to the

sum of domestic happiness, by those attentions which soothe the wretched, and assist the helpless. Let them then rejoice at the opportunity now afforded them of proving their patriotism; and let not those, at least, among them, who

have a mother or a sister to respect, in

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Mr. Cob Bett.—Nothing can be more serviceable to the cause of Reform, than the passing of the Corn Bill, through the House of Commons. The direct opposition which innumerable petitions have received cannot fail to impress the minds of the people with the necessity of radical alterations in the constitution of the Commons' House of Parliament. The people can never forget it. And in all the county meetings, when speaking of reform, (and every political and religious evil relates to it) we must never forget to produce this fact, in order to shew to the people, the importance of a true representation, annually assembled. It will be a plain and irresistible argument, which the public will easily understand, and acknowledge. Whenever I think about reform, and constitution, and liberty, I cannot help thinking , about America. This is the land of freedom, not false adulterate freedom, but freedom in the genuine sense of the word, civil and religious; and it is to America we must look for the model of a good, free and cheap government. . With what scorn and contempt did we speak of this noble republic, but a very little time ago, and now this same contemptible republic, victorious by land and sea, stands upon a prouder eminence than all the other nations of the world put together 1– What a pity it is, that we should have thus exposed ourselves to the ridicule of all the world.—WHIGs and Tories, all were for the American war, tho’ obviously one of the most unjust that this country ever, entered into. The treaty is ratified; the war itself is over, but the effects of this war, are not over, and will never be over, as long as the world lasts! There is no event of so much consequence to our country. I think America will henceforth be the arbiter of all other nations. All other nations must keep their eyes upon America; and all the lovers of freedom must remember writer who has taken a just and masterly view of this subject; and you were perfectly right in following your own judgment, and in not taking the advice of those who wrote to you to desist. The government and people of this country are not yet aware of the consequences of this war against free men; and Napoleon's return is calculated to absorb all attention for the present. If war should be revived against France, will the people of England be ready to petition against it as they did against the Property Tax, which tax was only the effect of the war? A short time will determine this and many other questions. Let the people remember that the war is the cause of the taxes; that if the war is renewed, taxes must be collected; the debt will increase every day, and fresh taxes must be levied to meet the increasing interest of the debt. It is foolish and absurd to petition against taxes, and not to petition against the cause of the taxes.

sult that sex by whom they are succoured, the republic. You are the only public

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through the middle of said lake until it arrives at the water communication into the “Lake Huron, thence through the middle of said lake to the water communication between that lake and lake Soperior.” And whereas doubts have arisea, what was the middle of said river, lakes, and water communications, and whether certain islands lying in the same were within the dominions of his Britannic Majesty or of the United States: In order, therefore, finally to decide these doubts, they shall be referred to two Commissioners, to be appointed, sworn and authorised to act exactly in the manner directed, with respect to those mentioned in the next preceding article, unless otherwise specified in this present article. The said Commissioners shall meet, in the first instance, at Albany, in the state of New York, and shall have power to adjourn to such other place or places as they shall think fit : The said Commissioners shall, by a report, or declaration, under their hands and seals, designate the boundary through the said river, lakes, and water communications, and decide to which us the two


respective reports,

contracting parties the several islands lying within the said river, lakes, and water communications do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of 1783. And both parties agree to consider such designation and decision as final and conclusive. And in the event of the said two Commissioners differing, or both, or either of them, refusing, declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declarations or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state shall be made in all respects as in the latter part of the 4th article is contained, and in as full a manner as if the same was herein repeated. Art: 7. It is further agreed that the said two last-mentioned Conumissioners, after they shall have executed the duties assigned to them in the preceding article, shall be, and they are hereby authorised, upon their oaths impartially to fix and determine according to the true intent of the said Treaty of Peace, of 1783, that part of the boundary between the dominions of the two powers. which extends from the water communication be. tween lake Huron and lake Superior, to the most noith-western point of the lake of the Woods, to decide to which of the two parties the several islands lying in the lakes, water communications, and rivers, forming the said boundary, do respectively belong, in conformity with the true intent of the said treaty of peace, of 1783, and to cause such parts of the said boundary, as require it, to be surveyed and marked. The said Commissioners shall, by a report or declaration under their hands and seals, designate the boundary aforesaid, state their decision on the points thus referred to them, and particularize the latitude and longitude of the most north-western point of the lake of the Woods, and of such other parts of the said boundary as they may deein proper. And both parties agree to consider such designation and decision as final and conclusive. And, in the eveut of the said two Commissioners differing, or both, or either of them refusing, declining, or wilfully omitting to act, such reports, declarations, or statements, shall be made by them, or either of them, and such reference to a friendly sovereign or state, shall be made in all respects as in the latter part of the fourth article is contained, and in as sull a manner as if the same was herein repeated. Art. 8. The several boards of two Commissioners inentioned in the four preceding articles, shall respectively have power to appoiut a secretary, and to employ such surveyors or other persons as they shall judge necessary. Iluplicates of all their declarations, statements and decisions, and of their accounts, and of the journals of their proceedings, shall be delivered by theiu to the agents of his Britannic Majesty, an 1

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