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away from him every possible pretext “ for disturbance. It appeared, how“ ever, from his statement, that the “ French government had never paid his pension since he went to Elba. He “ also stated, that the stipulated proti“sion for his wife and son had not been made, and was not to be allotted; “ and still farther, that an endeavour “ was made, under the authority of the “ Congress, to force him from Elba to some more distant place. Was the noble lord ready to contradict all this? If not, what a case had been put into his hands, and what an appeal was afforded to make to Marshal Ney who was now opposed to him! He was sure that if he had any thing to say of the present King of France, Louis XVIII. in the way of reflecting on his conduct, this was not the moment for doing so; but if a person in “ his (Mr. W’s) situation expressed his

“ opinion on the subject, he wonld say,

“ that he felt the greatest respect for the “ conduct and character' of Louis XVIII. ever since his restoration to the with great moderation, and had evin

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“ in France, had been owing to the “ King himself; and that what had been “ done wrong, was attributable to his “ advisers. If it should please God that he should be dethroned, he believed that his conduct would have little to * do with it. He hoped that if the House of Bourbon prevailed, which all must wish, there would be moderation in France; but that, if that should not be the case, there would be “peace in England. He hoped all the ** Powers would learn what were the * effects of misconduct. If the Bour* bons remained, the lesson might yet * be beneficial. Should Bonaparte ** succeed, he hoped, if it was possible * to impress the lessons of moderation * upon him, by the experience of re* verses, that he would find his interest in “ practising them, and that, thereby, * peace would continue. Not a peace of * partition and barter, and traffic of * human creatures; but one in which * the interests of subjects in general ** should be consulted as well as the * interests and objects of Government.

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“ throne. He had conducted himself ||

ced a discriminating, gentlemanly, and

“He had detained the house so long “ that he should now proceed to move “ an Address to the Prince Regent, “ praying his Royal Highness to communicate to the House of Commons, such information as might be afforded without inconvenience, respecting the proceedings of the Congress at Vienna.” —I do not argue with Mr. WHITBREAD in all he says here in favour of the King of France, nor in what he says respecting what ought to be our wishes on #. subject of Napoleon's enterprize. But, he put a very important question; and now we shall see the report of Lord CAstleREAGH’s answer.—It is as follows:-“The hon. gentleman had asked what line of policy this country should adopt in regard to the convulsion by which France was at present agitated. He (Lord C.) would give it as his opinion, that on the issue of the contest depended the continuance of

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could look forward (hear, hear), and that it never could be said that if Bonaparte were re-established in France “ England could look forward to tranquillity. On the result of that contest, it depended whether the world could return to that moral system which could ensure the o and prosperity of nations, or should be compelled to revert to that military system which “. Bonaparte's domination compelled ther hations to adopt. Were that

1 restored in France, he should be glad to know how the continent of Europe could avoid being again converted into so many armed nations, as the only security for their independence. On the issue, then, of the present contest, on the success of the Bourbons, it depended whether we could look forward to the restoration of the natural order of things, or return to that artificial state from which we had so recently escaped. He trusted that PROVIDENCE would conduct this country and Europe through the remainder of its difficulties. The nobie lord their congratulated the house on the generat.

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all the blessings to which this country

adoption of representative governments “great deal had been done to promote “ the happiness of nations, and if Bon“aparte was not suffered to intercept the prospects which were arising, never “ could Europe look forward to bright“er days than those which it might now “ anticipate. The noble lord sat down “ amidst loud applause.”—Here is a good deal to remark upon; but, here is NO ANSWER to Mr. WHITBREAD's question. He asked, whether Napoleon's complaint was just 3 whether the treaty of Fontainbleau had not been violated? whether the pension had not gone unpaid f whether a plan was not in agitation to remove him from Elbaz This, none of all this, was answered by Ld. CASTLEREAGH, who contented himself with giving an opinion, that Napoleon and the Bourbons between them held in their hands the power of making England happy or miserable for ages, perhaps, to come.—This is comfortable, to be sure; but, it is no answer to Napoleon's Proclamation.—Well, but, Spain What did his lordship say about Spain —Mr. WHITBB EAD had complained of the conduct of Ferdinand: and what was the answer of Lord Castlereagh’’ why this, as the reports in the newspapers say:– “The noble lord then briefly alluded to “ the affairs of Spain, and contended, “ that painful and disgusting as the pro“ ceedings of one party in that country “were against the other, we had no right to call that government to account for its proceedings. He had “every reason to suppose, that the “Spanish government wished to cherish “a friendly connection with this coun“try; nor was there any reason to sus“ pect, that what was called the family “ compact, at least in its offensive parts, “ would be renewed with France. Look“ing then, generally, at the foreign rela“tions of the country, he thought them “highly satisfactory.”—Very good, my lord; and, I beseech you, let us apply the same doctrine to France. Let us not talk of war against Napoleon, while he gives no proof of hostility towards us. I grant, that the re-establishment of the Inquisition in Spain is no ground for our

oing to war with Ferdinand; no ground #. our interfering in the domestic affairs of that country; but, then, I hope, that you will be pleased to grant me, in return, that the change of rulers in France, if such change should take place, is no

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ground for our making war upon that nation, or on the successful rival of the present rulers.-Lord CAstleREAGH’s language does not amount to a declaration, that we shall be plunged into a war against Napoleon, if he should be placed upon the throne; and, I am very glad, that it does not, but, I wish it had been plain in the negative; for, I am fully convinced, that such a war would be the most calamitous that we ever saw, drawing into it, as I am sure it would, a war with America, or the instant ruin of our trade and commerce, which, though the nation could exist without them, are, at this time necessary to enable us to pay the taxes absolutely necessary to discharge the interest of the Debt.— Only think of a new war in the present situation of our finances ! Only think of an annual expense of more than 100 millions sterling ! If Napoleon attacks us. If he attempts to injure England, let us fight him as long as we have the means '

of purchasing powder and ball. But, if he is ready to live in peace with us; peace and friendship with hi - lc

let us have. Perhaps all this reasoning and all this protesting may be rendered wholly unnecessary by the events which will be announced to us, long before this paper will go to the press; but, as the Cossack writers had begun to cry out for war beforehand; I think it right to cry out for peace beforehand. . . . . . . . It is now Wednesday afternoon, and we are told, that Napoleon was at AUTUN on Thursday, the 16th instant, in spite of all the forces in his front and in his rear. It is now said, that he has 15,000 men after all the desertions from his 8 or 9,900 ! He is a strange man indeed 1 —This clearly proves, that there is no reliance to be placed in the newspaper accounts. According to these accounts more than 100,000 regulars, besides national guards and volunteers, were on foot in pursuit of him more than ten days ago; and yet he proceeds without a single shot being fired at him!—A short time will put an end to all speculation. - - - - - - - . Thursday afternoon, The great question is decided. Napoleon has entered Paris without a single shot being fired, except in the way of rejoicing, or the least opposition shewn to his resumption of all his former power and dignity. —His whole journey has, in fact, been a triumph. Every where he was greeted

with acclamations, not only by the military, but by the inhabitants, men, women and children. All seem to have considered his return a jubilee, as a deliverance from some terrible calamity, as the greatest of blessings which could be conferred on any people. The hopes of those men of blood, who were confident that Napoleon could not reach the capital, but over the slaughtered bodies of the National Guards, have been for ever blasted.—Even the household roops of the unfortunate Louis, the tens of thousands of Volunteers who assembled round him, and the “lives and fortune * men,” who swore that they would spend heir last shilling, and shed the last drop of their blood in defence of his person and government. These all deserted him, and rendered homage to the man whom they had, only a few mements before, deuounced a rebel and a traitor. Napoleon will know how to estimate the loyalty of these supporters of “ ancient insti“tutions.”—It is to the people that he owes every thing. It was the people who at first called him to the throne of France. It is the voice, of the people, now more united and fervent than ever, which re-echoes that call; and as long as he retains a firm hold of their affections, which he can only do by making their happiness his principal care, no power on earth, I am persuaded, can shake the stability of his throne, Never, indeed, in the whole history of the world, was there a monarch, with a competitor for the crown in possession of the capital, who obtained the prize with so intich ease, or was so cordially received, as Nao even by the friends of is rival.—Will so many, proofs of the entire devotion of a whole nation, not satisfy the fiends ot war, that this wonderful man is in reality the sovereign of their choice f—What better evideñce would these” wretches have of the fact!—Or rather, do they not shut their eyes against all evidence? Do they not considéo war their harvest, to bring about which they would sacrifice every principle of honor and of justice, if it can be sopposed that they possess any.—Can, it ié forgotten how eager they were, when they thought the power of the Bourbous re-established, to involve France in a new war with he iseighbours?—How they insulted that gallant mations; how they endeavoured or sow the seeds of jealousy as to har

rising power and greatness, for the base purpose of exciting hostile attempts against her; even when all hopes from this source failed, how often, and how anxiously did they endeavour to create a civil war in that country, by the unprincipled and insidious advice which they gave the Bourbons, to withdraw their confidence from those men, who alone were distinguished for talents, and upon whom only the nation could rely in the hour of danger. The seeming tranquillity, which was about to diffuse itself over Europe, had disappointed the sanguinary hopes of these men of blood; but these feelings were not eradicated. They were only put aside as a reserve, to be ready, when an opportunity occured, of being again brought into action. The return of Napoleon, they now consider that opportunity; and instead of uniting with thirty millions of people in hailing an event, which, if the sovereigns of Europe studied their true interests, might be rendered conducive to general happiness,they hold it up to view in no other light than as a signal to unsheath the sword, to replunge this country into all the horrors of interminable war, and to draw the allied powers into a new union, similar to that fatal union which was forced in the early part of the revolution, which roused the whole population of France, and enabled them so effectually to defeat the projects, and to bafile all the attempts of their invaders. —The Courier, already anticipating the fruits of this, to them, promising harvest, exultingly exclaims—“now we shall have “reason to bless that delay in the narch “of the Congress, which many were dis“posed to blame. Had they terminated “ their proceedings last Autumn, the “mooarchs would have returned home— “their troops would have been reduced “to the peace establishment, and the “Conquerors of Paris would have been “in Poland, and in Russia, in Styria or : in Hungary. But they are on the full “war footing—all ready to at at once. “IN A ForTNiGHT we shALL see

“THEM AGAIN on this sips THF, “RHINE. Deeply therefore as we regret

“this successful invasion of Bonaparte, “we see wo reason to despond.” –– Unprincipled miscreaut!—Are we to be tołd, after the terrible experience of twenty-five years of mărderous war, that a

refleway of it is a blessing 2 Is it possible

to look at the state of our own country, (to say nothing of other states) reduced by war to the verge of bankruptcy, and shut out from almost every other nation as a manufacturing and commercial people; is it possible, I ask, to contemplate so gloomy and deplorable a picture, and yet “not see reason to despond,” in the prospect which the return of hostilities opens to our view 7 Have the bedlamites of the Courier and the Times contemplated the mighty odds that is now against us When we entered upon the late war with France, her finances were deranged, an immense load of debt hung round her neck, and her armies were in a state of disorganization. Our finances, on the contrary, were in their vigour, our debt trifling, compared to what it is now, and our naval and military force in the highest state of discipline. France has conje out of the contest renovated; we have retired, ruined in our commerce, ruined in our manufactures, and ruined in our finances. The national debt of France has been swept away. Ours has encreased to the fearful amount of One Thousand Missions / lin 1792, it was only two hundred and fifty-nine millions. It is true, our fleets and armies, particularly the former, obtained considerable success in the late contest with France. —But, will all the force we may be able to bring against her, be sufficient to make an impression upon her in her now formidable condition? What has the late pause in the hostile operations on the continent been, but a breathing period for France—a period during which her armies have been enormously encreased, by the return of her veteran troops; and (what is of still more consequence to her) during which that astonishing genius, who now directs her affairs, has not only had leisure to counteract that foul treason, which compelied him to abdicate his throne, but to digest and bring to maturity plans for the future glory and security of that empire to which he has been called by the spontaneous and unanimous voice of an admiring and grateful people. We were told that he had become corpulent and inactive, in the isle of Eiba; that he had given up all idea of again appearing as a public character on the, theatre of the world, and that he occupied his leisure hours there, by writing: a history of his eventful life.—Very &#erent i. deed; it now appears, were

the objects with which his mind were employed. He felt that he had not yet done enough for France. She had claims upon him which it was his in perious duty to discharge. The past events of his life might have served “to point a moral, “ or adorn a tale;” but he wished to occupy the more dignified page of history; he was desirous to ensure the suffrages of posterity by deeds rather than by words; a vast field for action opened before him. There he has embarked his all, his valour, his skill, his claims to the homage of a great nation; there he will refute all the calumnies which his enemies have heaped upon him; and there, I, for one, most fervently hope, he will render himseif worthy of the high destiny to which he has been called, by cultivating habits of peace amongs: his subjects.It has been with feelings of sincere regret that I have ouserved an address of Louis XVIII. “ to the French army,” in which that.unfortunate Monarch seems to have wished to attach the lailitary to his interests, by the fears of a civil war, and a foreign invasion. “ Think, (says “he) that if the enemy should triumph, “civil war would immediately be kindled “amongst us, and that at the very mo“ment nate than 300,000 foreigners, “whose arms I could no longer chain, “would rush from every side on our “country.” This proclamation bears to have been “printed from the original in the sing's own hand.” To what a low elib must that Sovereign's affairs have been reduced, when he resorted to measures of such a description, instead of confiding in the loyalty of his people : when he menaced them with the bayonets of 300,000 foreigners, instead of relying on the justice of his cause, and on the fidelity of that nation, who, if what he has all along been tei:iiig us is true, were ready to a man to die for him. I ain afraid, if the allies should really have an intention to interfere in the settlement of the internal Government of France, that this address of Louis has produced that effect. The reception which Napoleon has met with, has banished from my mind all idea of a civil war in that delightful country; but I cannot conceal my apprehensions, that the language of Louis may be regarded by the enemies of Napoleon, as an invitation again to attempt the subversion of his power, and thus rekindle the flames of war in Europe. I see that Louis XVIII. on the 19th inst. officially announced to “ the foreign “Ministers at Paris,” that it was his intention to repair to Lille, where he hoped to meet “the members of the “ diplomatic body accredited at his “ court.” Is it intended at this meeting to arrange with the foreign Ministers a plan for the entrance of the “300,000 “foreigners” into France? Have the Bourbons already forgot, that it was owing to measures of this description Louis XVI. was dethroned, and ultimately lost his life? Looking to the past, I cannot anticipate a more favourable result to this new attempt upon France, if such an attempt is really in contemplation, than that which took place, when all Europe combined marched its numerous armies into that territory, for the avowed purpose of regulating its internal Government. If experience has placed at the head of the allied forces more able commanders, France has, in this respect, been, at least, equally benefitted--Napoleon himself is more than a match for any General in Europe; and although some of his Marshals have abandoned him, there are many, who continue attached to his cause, fully capable of taking the field with every probability of success. Then consider the spirit with which the French soldiers must now be animated; the enthusiasm with which the return of Napoleon has inspired them. This of itself is sufficient to conduct them to any enterprize into which he might lead them; but when there is added to this the “love of country,” the flame which inspires every patriot when the territory which gave him birth is trodden by a foreign foe; when this noble feeling is mixed up with that ardent personal affection, which the soldiers of France entertain for the man who led them to so many victories, I cannot entertain a doubt as to the termination of the contest.—But should this country, notwithstanding all these considerations, still seek a war with France, where are we to find the means of keeping in our pay, those immense foreign armies, those “300,000 foreigners” with which Louis the desired menaced bis enemies, and which, it is necessary we should keep constantly in our pay, if we seriously intend

to wage war until we finally overthrow.

Napoleon?—Even with the Property Tax, which the unanimous voice of the nation

has consigned to its deserved fate, we found it impossible to answer the unceasing demands of the allies, without resorting to public loans, the interest of which imposed new and overwhelming taxes not only upon this generation, but upon all generations to come. Are we able then, in the event of another twenty years war, to bear the burdens which must attend it ! Is the monied interest, as they call themselves, sufficiently rich to advance seven or eight hundred millions to ministers, as was done during the last war, for the “glorious deliver“ance"of the countries of Europe?—And are the people prepared to pay those taxes, that must be levied, to meet the interest which such an enormous expenditure will occasion ?—These are questions which ought to be solved, and that satisfactorily, before this nation again allow itself to be dragged into a contest, the only object of which, according to our corrupt newspapers, is to restore Louis the 18th, to the throme of France, and to destroy that man, who is already restored by the unamious consent of the French people.




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Bay of Juan, March 1, 1815. NApoleon, by the grace of God and the constitution of the Empire, Emperor of the French. &c. &c. &c. !. TO THE FR ENCH PEOPLE. o

FRENCHMEN 1–The defection of the Duke of Castiglione delivered up Lyons, without defence, to our enemies; the army of which I confided in him the command, was by the number of its battalions, the bravery and patriotism of the troops which composed it, fully able to beat the Austrian corps opposed to it, and to get into the rear of the left wing of the enemy's army, which threatened Paris. The victories of Champ Aubert, of Montmirail, of Chateau Thierry, of Wauchanp, of Mormans. of Montereau, of Craone, of Rheims, of Arcy-sur-Aube, and of St. Dizier; the rising of the brave peasants of Lorraine, of Champagne, of Alsace, of Franche Comte and of Bourgoin, and the

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