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has done; hat, he has not done all that was expected, and has done some things which were not expected.—It is quite impossible for me to know, whether, or no, Napoleon, is best calculated to make France happy; but, to him who is most disposed to make her happy and free, I most sincerely wish success.At any rate, with the same earnestness, with the same anxiety, with the same forebodings of evil if my prayer be rejected, which I felt when I so often besought our Government not to embark, and, when embarked, not to persevere, in the war against the Republic of America, I now beseech, I implore them, not, on any account, to draw the sword, to waste the treasure and pour out the blood of our beloved and long suffering country in this new quarrel.-We all now feel the sorrows of a twenty years war, in the taxes and troubles which have trod upon its heels. If a new war were now to be undertaken, and that, too, for the sake of the Bourbons, what must be our fate 2 The question would now be cleared of all the rubbish of 1792. . If the king of France stand in -need of no foreign aid, why should we draw the sword to give him aid If he do stand in need of foreign aid, is it not clear, that the people of France are against him 2 If we, in the former case, interfele, we do it unnecessarily; if it in the latter case, we make war to force upon a foreign nation a Government which it does not like. Therefore, it appears to me, that it is impossible to Justify war against Napoleon upon any ground that, at present, exists.--Besides, have the writers, who already begin to
cry for war, considered at all of the
consequences 2 All the taxes hitherto collected must be continued 2 The Debt and the taxes must go on augmenting,
till, at last, it will be impossible to go on.
But, is this all ! Is this all & Would not our situation be very different indeed from what it was during the war? Then, though our expenses were enormous, they were, in some degree, balanced by that monopoly of trade and commerce,
which put our hands into the purse of
all the world, and which, after destroying all the military fleets in Europe, we so easily maintained. Now, what would be the case ? Farewell Licences ! Farewell Orders in Council / Farewell Impressments on board of American Ships?
supplied with colonial produce.
Farewell Blockheads, unless in cases of actual investiture!—I shall be told, that we have not stipulated with America to refrain from any of these impediments to neutral commerce. Oh, no! There needs no stipulation. The events on Lakes Ontario and Champlain, at New Orleans and Mobile, at Fayal, and on the Ocean itself, will, I am very certain admonish our ministers of the danger of bringing the Republic on our backs, while we have to look France in the face. The war, the war which I so laboured to prevent; that war, which was to divide and subjugate the Republic according to the predictions of our Cossack writers; that war has left the Republic on the . pinnacle of military, naval, and political glory: happy for her, if it has also left her with a deep horror for all war, not necessary to the preservation of her independence, rights, honour and liberty But, seeing what has passed, do our Cossack writers expect to see her again acting the humble and the degrading part which she acted before? Do they not see, that the very first infringement on her neutral rights will be the signal for our seeing her “Bits of striped “Bunting" flying and our hearing the sound of her cannon in the English Channel ? What, then, would be the other consequence of war? Why, we should see the ocean covered with American merchant ships. The Republic would carry on half the trade of the whole world. France would be Her trade would flourish in the midst of war. We should make few prizes. Our prize-courts would have nothing to do. There would be little for our navy to gain. Our mercantile marine would have little employment. That of the American Republic would swell to an enormous amount. Her military marine would increase in the like proportion. And, at the end of a few years (many would not be ‘wanted), it would not be at all wonderful, if she were able to step in and decide the war.—Reader; am I talking fool
ishly? Am I rattling on 3 Am I exagge
rating the danger? Look back to the pages of the Register, in the year 1812, while. I was yet in prison for writing about the flogging of Local militia-men and the presence of German troops on the ocasion, and just before I paid the Prince Regent. a thousand pounds fine, in the name and
behalf of the King. Look back to those pages, and there you will find, that I was treated as a fool, or a traitor, because I besought the government not to go to war, and not to proceed in the war, against America; because I asserted that it would be productive of great expense, loss, and disgrace, and would cause America to become a great and formidable naval power. How often did I repeat this. How tired were my readers at the seemingly endless repetition : . How many people wrote to me to advise me to desist! How many sincere friends besought me, for the love of my own character as a writer, not to proceed! How many, whose principles were with mine cn all points, differed with me on the fact as to this point 1––Yet, all I foreboded has aiready come to pass, and that, too, to the very letter. Many persons say, and I believe the fact, that I assisted
greatly in producing the peace with
America. On no act of my life do I look with greater satisfaction than on this. But, how much happier would it have been for my country, if I could have succeeded in preventing the war ! The evils of this war, short as it has been, I have no scruple to say, are greater than those of the late wars against France. I mean the evils to our Government particularly. It was a war against freemen. It was a war against a Republic. She was pitted single-handed against our undivided power. The world were the spectators. They have followed us with their eyes in the contest, and have now witnessed the, to us, lamentable result. Ratifted the treaty To be sure the President and Senate would ratify the treaty ; a treaty which covered with immortal honour, the President, the Congress, the Negotiators, the Army, the Navy, every man in the land; and, above all, the Constitution of Government, which the war had put upon its trial, which has come out of it like pure gold out of the fire, and which will now be not only more dear than ever to the hearts of Americans, but will present itself as an object of admiration and attraction to every oppressed people in the world. ——I am afraid I have been digressing. Let me come back, then, to the main drift of the present article by observing, that the events of this war have taught
the Republicans the great value of a na-.
them to the continuation and augmentation of that force. It will assuredly go on increasing. Dock yards, arsenals, will be formed. In short, a great navy will speedily grow up; and this will produce a great change in our situation with regard to warlike means. If we go to war with Napoleon, he has now seen the
vast importance of American friendship.
America will keep at peace while we suf. fer her unnelested to carry on her trade all over the world. That would ruin us. But, on the other hand, if we attempt to prevent it, we shall have to fight her both by land and by sea.—Here is a choice of evils ; but I am not like Sir Francis Burdett's gentlemen, whe present him, as he most justly complains, with a choice of evils, and nothing else: for, 1 say, that both these evils may be avoided by our remaining at peace, and leaving the French, and the Italians, and the Neapolitans, and the Swiss, and the Belgians, and the Russians, and the Spaniards, and the Prussians, and the Austrians, and the Hungarians, and the Dutch, and the Hanoverians, to settle their own affairs in their own good time and manner. And the Portuguese. I had nearly forgotten the Portuguese : and, faith, they ought not to be forgotten ; for they have not been a trifle in the list of our expenses, whether of mnney or of men. Let us leave them all to themselves. Let us leave the Dutch Presbyterians to supply the Portuguese and Spaniards with wooden Gods, and Virgins and Saints. Let us receive the corn of France when we want it, and the wine and oil which we always want; and let her receive our steel, copper, tin. cloth, and other things. But, let whe will be the Ruler, LET LS HAVE PEACE WITH HIM.
TREATY witH NAPOLEoN.
ALTHough in the present state of matters, with little else to guide one's opinions than the ea parte and partial statements of his enemies, it would not be well advised to speculate on the views and intentions of Napoleon, I cannot permit the opportunity, which offers itself, to pass, without making a few remarks on the treaty concluded between him and the allied powers on the 11th April, 1814; by which
&al force, while they have encouraged A treaty, Napo the one hand, re3.
signed the Crowns of France and Italy, and the allies, on the other, guaranteed the fulfilment of certain conditions by Louis the XVIII, the nonfulfilment of which, it is said, has occasioned Napoleon's return to France.—By this treaty, a copy of which I have given below, it will be seen that the island of Elba, which was selected by Napoleon himself as his future residence, was declared by the allied powers, to form “dur. “ing his life,” a separate principality, “which shall be possessed by him in full “sovereignty and property.”—All our newspapers, in servileimitation of the ministers of Louis, have been extremely forward in denouncing Napoleon a “trai“tor and rebel to his country,” because he dared to set foot on the territory of France. In this they have shewn themselves utterly unacquainted with the political relations in which Napoleon stood to the surrounding nations.—The moment he relinquished the crown of France, , she was no longer his country; he owed her no allegiance because he had sworn no fealty to her. He had made choice of the isle of Elba, for his country. It was declared a separate principality by solemn treaty, subscribed by all the great powers of Europe, and these same powers had guaranteed Napoleon's right and title to reign over it “in full stra cignty.”--IIowever circumscribed the island of Elba, however limited the number of its inhabitants, N. poleon was as mnch an independent Sovereign, as any of the monarchs who entered into treaty with him. —But this was fot the only consequence of the recognition of the sovereignty of Napoleon.—He did not merely owe no allegiance to France, or any other power. He was entitled, in case of any violation of treaty on the part of his neighbours, to punish every infraction of that treaty to the utmost of his ability, This is a principle acknowledged by all writers on the law of nations. . . It was upon this principle that the allies justified the
invasion of France, and even defended
their conduct when they refused to treat with Napoleon in the character of Sove
reign of that empire. Has Napoleon
then done more than attempt to punish the infraction of a treaty? was his title to the “full sovereignty " of Elba acknowledged by solemn treaty, but he was to receive for his own use an annual revenue of two millions of francs.
for the safety of their persons.
His Empress was to be put in possession of three duchies in Italy, which were to pass to her son, and his des:endants, The members of his family were to receive an annual allowance of two million five hundred thousand francs ; and to Prince Eugene, then Viceroy of Italy, was to be given a suitable establishment, in consideration of his relinquishing all claims upon that country.— It is well known, that Napoleon, and all the members of his house, were strict in their adherence to the conditions incumbent upon them by this treaty It is now said to be equally motorious, that they have been almost all violated by the other contracting party. The annual allowances in money, which were to have been paid by the court of France, have, we are told, been withheld; the Empress Maria Louisa not put in possession of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla; and no establishment provided for the Viceroy of Italy. If all this be true, Napoleon Has to complain of a manifest violation of the contract by which he relinquished his former authority; and to me he appears to have a right to reclaim those crowns, which he surrendered on the faith of the treaty being fulfilled in every particular. To say nothing of the wishes of the people of France, who, I have no doubt, are almost to a man for Napoleon, it would seem that he has an undeniable title to assert his claims in the manner he is now doing, I know of no instance, where a sovereign abdicated a throne with the same inherent right to resume possession of it. His predecessors were generally at the mercy of those who expelled them. They were not in a condition to stipulate for any thing, not even How very different was the situation of Napoleon. In place of accepting terms from his supposed victors, he dictated them; and the prompt manner with which the Allied Powers agreed to these terms, was no small proof that they eonsidered him still a formidable object, He retired from the contest under the faith and solemnity of a treaty; he returns to it, because that treaty, as is said, has been broken. This being the state of the case, Napoleon appears to me to have done uothing more than all other independent sovereigns have a right to do, if placed in similar circumstances. He has appealed to the sword; and as those who refused to listen to his claims seem to shelter themselves under the courtier plea that “might gives right,” he is willing that the question should be decided on that principle, But it is said, “ that France never became “ a party to the treaty by which Napo“ leon's independence and pensions were “sanctioned.”—It should rather, be said, that the Bourbons have refused to concur in this, the people of France, it is pretty evident, never having been consulted in the matter. But what is it to the purpose although all France were hostile to this measure ? It was in consequence of the treaty and by virtue of that treaty alone, that Louis the Desired was restored to them. Had Napoleon not consented to give up his claims to the throne of France, a civil war might have been the consequence, and who can saywhether this might not have terminated fatally to the Bourbons 2–Besides, by the 20th article of the treaty “the high “allied powers guarantee the execution “ of all the articles of the present treaty, “ and engage to obtain that it shall be “ adopted and guaranteed by France.” That treaty therefore which placed Louis upon the throne, required of France the performance of certain conditions to Napoleon and his family. It was by this tenure that the former resumed the crown of his ancestors, and if it has not been strictly adhered to, every thing naturally reverts back to that state, when it was in the power of the latter to present obstacles to the return of his rival. It may be thought that the allies are bound to interfere, and to compel Louis, in consequence of their guarantee, to do justice to Napoleon. Of this, however, there is little hope; although from what we have seen take place during the late war, it will be no way extraordinary to find the soldiers of Russia, of Prussia, or of Austria, again fighting in the ranks with those of Nupoleon.
Articles of the treaty between the allied powers and his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon. Art. 1. His Majesty the Emperor Napoleon renounces for himself, his successors, and descendants, as well as for all the members of his family, all right of sovereignty and deminion, as well to the French Empire and the Kingdom of Italy, as over every other country.
Art. 2. Their Majesties the Emperor Napoleon and Maria Louisa shall retain their titles and rank, to be enjoyed during their lives. The mother, the . brothers, sisters, nephews, and nieces of the Emperor, shall also retain, wherever they may reside, the titles of Princes of his family. Art. 3. The Isle of Elba, adopted by his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon as the place of his residence, shall form, during his life, a separate principality; which shall be possessed by him in full Sovereignty and property; there shall be besides granted, in full property, to the Emperor Napoleon, an annual revenue of 2,000,000 francs, in rent charge, in the great book of France, of which 1,000,000 shall be in reversion to the Empress. Art. 4. The Duchies of Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, shall be granted, in full property and sovereignty, to her Majesty the Empress Maria Louisa; they shall pass to her son, and to the descendants in the right line. The prince, her son shall from henceforth take the title of Prince of Parma, Placentia and Guastalla. Art. 5. All the powers engage to employ their geod offices to cause to be respected by the Barbary powers the flag and territory of the Isle of Elba, for which purpose the relations, with the Barbary powers shall be assimilated to those with France. Art. 6. There shall be reseyed in the territories hereby reneunced, to his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, for himself and his family, domains, or rentcharges in the great book of France, producing a revenue, clear of all deductions and charges, of 2,500,000 francs. These domains or rents shall belong, in full property, and to be disposed of as they shall think, fit, to the Princes and Princesses of his family, and shall be divided amongst them in such manner that the revenue of each shall be is the following proportion, viz. - - Francs. To Madame Mere . . . . . . . 400,000 To King Joseph and his Queen 500,000 To King Louis . . . . 200,000
To the Queen Hortense and her. children . . . . . . . . . . 400,000
To King Jerome and his Queen 400,000 To the Princess Eliza . . . . . 300,000 To the Princess Paulina . . . . 300,000
The Princes and Princesses of the House of the Emperor Napoleon shall retain besides their property, moveable and immoveable, of whatever nature it may be, which they shall possess by individual and public right, and the rents of which they shall enjoy (also as individuals.) - Art. 7. The annual pension of the Empress Josephine shall be reduced to 1,000,000, in domains, or in inscriptions in the great book of France; she shall continue to enjoy in full property, all her private property, moveable and immoveable, with power to dispose of it conformably to the French laws. Art. 8. There shall be granted to £rince Eugene, Viceroy of Italy, a suitable establishment out of France. Art: 9. The property which his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon possesses in France, either as extraordinary domain, or of private domain attached to the crown, the funds placed by the Emperor, either in the great book of France, in the Bank of France, in the Actions des Forets, or in any other manner, and which his orgave abandons to the
erown, shall be lose, , od as a capital, which shałł not . . . . . . ; , Jo Jo to be ye...!ed in gratifications in favour of such persons, whose names shall be contained in a list to be signed by the Emperor Napoleon, and shall be transmitted to the French Government.
Art. TO. All the crown diamonds shalk
remain in orance.
Art. 11, His Majesty the Emperor ||
Napoleon shall return to the treasury, and to the other public cliests, all the salms and effects that shall have been raker out by his orders, with the excepfor of what has been appropriated from the Civil Éist, -
Art, 12. The debts of the household
of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon,
such as they were on the day of the signa-l
fore of the present treaty, “shall be mithediately diseharged ont of the arrears doe by the public treasury to the Civil fist, according to a list, which shałł
He signed by a Commissioner appointed |
for that paypose. . . . r ...Art. 18. The obligations of the Mont$apoleon, of Milan, towards all the
...--, ereditors, whether Frenchmen or foreign
necessary passports for the free passage of his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon, or of the Empress, the Princes, and Princesses, and all the persons of their suites who wish to accompany them, or to establish themselves out of France, as well as for the passage of all the equipages, horses, and effects belonging to them. The allied powers shall in consequence furnish Officers and men for escorts. Art, 15. The French imperial guard shall furnish a detachment of from 1,200 to 1,500 men, of all arms, to serve as an escort to the Emperor Napoleon to St. Tropes, the place of his embarkation. Art. 16. There shall be furnished a corvette, and the necessary transport vessels, to convey to the place of his destination his Majesty the Emperor Napoleon and his household; and the corvette shall belong, in full property, to his Majesty the Emperor. Art. 17. The Emperor Napoleon' shall be allowed to take with him and retain as bis guard 400 men, volunteers, as well officers, as sub-officers and soldiers. - * - Art. 18. No Frenchman, who shall have followed the Emperor Napoleon or his family, shall be held to have forfeited his rights as such, by not returning to France, within three years; at least they shall not be comprised in the exceptions which the French Governident reserves to itseff to grant after the expiration of that term. Art. 19. The Polish troops of all arms, in the service of France, shall lie at liberty to return home, and shill retain their arms and baggage, as a testimony of their honourable services. Thé officers, sub-officers, and soldiers, shall retain the decorations which have beed granted to fliem, and the pensions anpexed too these decorations. . . . Art. 20. The high allied powers guarantee the exceution of all the articles of that it shall be adopted and guaranted by France. . Art. 21. The present actoshall bera
|tified, and the ratifications exchanged at
Paris within two days; or stoner if possible,
| Home at Paris, the 11th d April, I815.”
the present treaty, and engage to obtain.