Imágenes de página
PDF
ePub

66

have gone to war. This, however, our "June can only be defeated by a refusal naval officers did not do. It has never 86 on the part of your Government to desist been denied by our Government, that many "from hostilities, or to comply with the native Republicans were impressed by our "conditions expressed in the said Order. officers. It is notorious, that many of them" Under the circumstances of your having have beca compelled to serve on board of "no powers to negociate, I must decline our ships; and, of that course, 68 have many entering into a detailed discussion of the been wounded or killed; or, at least, car66 propositions which you have been directried from their country, their homes, their "ed to bring forward.-I cannot, however, family, and their affairs. Mr. Madison," refrain on one single point from expressin his last speech to the Congress, states," ing my surprise; namely, that, as a conthat “thousands” of Native Republicans "dition, preliminary even to a suspension were thus impressed, before war was de- " of hostilities, the Government of the clared by the Congress. The Congress," United States should have thought fit to at last, declared war; but the President, " demand, that the British Government always anxious to avoid the calamities of" should desist from its ancient and accuswar, immediately proposed the renewal of" tomed practice of impressing British seanegociations for peace. Mr. Russell, then "men from the merchant ships of a foreign the Republican Minister in London, signi- "State, simply on the assurance that a law fied to Lord Castlereagh, in August 1812, "shall hereafter be passed, to prohibit the that he was authorised to stipulate for an employment of British seamen in the Armistice, to begin in sixty days, on the "public or commercial service of that following conditions: "That the Orders in" State.-The British Government now, "Council be repealed, and no illegal" as heretofore, is ready to receive from blockades be substituted for them; and "the Government of the United States, orders be immediately given to dis-" and amicably to discuss, any proposition That age the poppressinet of persons from "which professes to have in view either to 66 4. Por an vessels, and i restore the "check abuse in exercise of the practice "itizens of the United States already im-" of impressment, or to accomplish, by • pressed; it being moreover well under-" means less liable to vexation, the object "stood, that the British Government will" for which impressment has hitherto been "assent to enter into definitive arrange- "found necessary; but they cannot consent ments, as soon as may be, on these and" to suspend the exercise of a right upon every other difference, by a Treaty, to be" which the naval strength of the empire "concluded, either at London or Wash-" mainly depends, until they are fully con"ington, as on an impartial consideration" vinced that means can be devised, and "of existing circumstances shall be deem-" will be adopted, by which the object to "ed most expedient.As an inducement" be obtained by the exercise of that right to Great Britain to discontinue the prac- "can be effectually secured. I have the "tice of impressment from American "honour to be, Sir, your most obedient "humble Servant."

66

66

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

" vessels, I am authorised to give assurance "that a law shall be passed (to be reci

66

This offer, you will perceive, came from procal), to prohibit the employment of the President. How false, then, is the

* British sean, ʼn in the public or commer-charge, that he went to war to assist Na

[ocr errors]

66

sincerely be

[ocr errors]

United States.-It is poleon! If that had been true, he, of

i, that such an airage-course, would have proposed no armistice. ove more ellarious, in He would have been anxious to avoid all scorlag in Great Britain her seamen, means of reconciliation. But, on the #the the practice of impressment, so de- contrary, he is the first to make an effort rogatory to the sovereign attributes of the to put an end to the war; and, even in the United States, and so incompatible with case of impressment, to tender voluntarily "the personal rights of their citizens." a measure calculated to remove our appreliensions on the score of our seamen. I do not know how an English Secretary of State may have been able to look a Repúblican Minister in the face, while the former was asserting, that the strength of England mainly depended on the exercise of the right of impressing its own subjects;

Lord Castlereagh's answer to this was as follows:-" From this statement you "will perceive, that the view you have "taken of this part of the subject is incor"rect; and that, in the present state of the relations between the two countries, the operation of the Order of the 23d of

66

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

66

66

66

but, be that as it may, the President here" British subjects in their service, and tendered a measure to render that impress- "enforce the prohibition by suitable_regument unnecessary, unless it was still meant" lations and penalties, the motive for the to impress the Republicans. practice is taken away. It is in this mode The Republic having failed in this en- "that the President is willing to accommodeavour to restore peace, she made another" date this important controversy with the attempt, the succeeding month, as will be" British Government, and it cannot be conseen in the letter of Mr. Monroe to Sir" ceived on what ground the arrangement John B. Warren, and which letter it is of can be refused.- -A suspension of the great importance now to peruse with at-" practice of impressment, pending the artention. After the opening of his letter, mistice, seems to be a necessary conse he proceeds thus :-"I am instructed to quence. It cannot be presumed, while "inform you, that it will be very satisfac-" the parties are engaged in a negociation tory to the President to meet the British" to adjust amicably this important differ"Government in such arrangements as (6 ence, that the United States would admay terminate, without delay, the hosti-"mit the right, or acquiesce in the prac"lities which now exist between the United" tice, of the opposite party; or that Great "States and Great Britain, on conditions" Britain would be unwilling to restrain "honourable to both nations.- At the her cruisers from a practice which would "moment of the declaration of war, the "have the strongest tendency to defeat "President gave a signal proof of the at-" the negociation. It is presumable that "tachment of the United States to peace. "both parties would enter into a negocia"Instructions were given, at an early pe- tion with a sincere desire to give it effect. "riod, to the late Charge d'Affaires of" For this purpose, it is necessary that a "the United States at London, to propose" clear and distinct understanding be first "to the British Government an armistice," obtained between them, of the accommo66 on conditions which, it was presumed,"dation which each is prepared to make. "would have been satisfactory. It has "If the British Government is willing to "been seen with regret, that the proposi-" suspend the practice of impressment from "tion made by Mr. Monroe, particularly" American vessels, on consideration that "in regard to the important interest of" the United States will exclude British "impressment, was rejected; and that seamen from their service, the regulation, " none was offered through that channel, by which this compromise should be cara basis on which hostilities might" ried into effect, would be solely the ob66 cease. -As your Government has au- "ject of this negociation. The armistice "thorised you to propose a cessation of" would be of short duration. If the par"hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the "ties agree, peace would be the result. "important and salutary effect which a sa-" If the negociation failed, each would be "tisfactory adjustment of this difference" restored to its former state, and to all its "cannot fail to have on the future rela-" pretensions, by recurring to war.-Lord "tions between the two countries, I in- " Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russell, แ dulge the hope that it has, ere this, given "seems to have supposed, that, had the you full powers for the purpose. Ex-"British Government accepted the propoperience has sufficiently evinced that no "sitions made to it, Great Britain would peace can be durable, unless this object" have suspended immediately the exercise is provided for: it is presumed, there-" of a right on the mere assurance of this "fore, that it is equally the interest of" Government, that a law would be after"both countries to adjust it at this time.-"wards passed to prohibit the employment "Without further discussing questions of" of British seamen in the service of the "right, the President is desirous to pro- "United States, and that Great Britain "vide a remedy for the evils complained" would have no agency in the regulation "of on both sides. The claim of the Bri- " to give effect to that proposition. Such "tish Government is to take from the " an idea was not in the contemplation of "merchant vessels of other countries Bri-" this Government, nor is to be reasonably “tish subjects. In the practice, the Com-" inferred from Mr. Russell's note: least, "manders of British ships of war often" however, by possibility, such an inference "take from the merchant vessels of the" might be drawn from the instructions "United States American citizens., If the " to Mr. Russell, and anxious that there "United States prohibit the employment of" should be no misunderstanding in the

66

66

66

૬૯.

66

as

66

[ocr errors]

86

[ocr errors]

66

case, subsequent instructions were given | once allowed, that we had a right to im"to Mr. Russell, with a view to obviate press on board American ships. Was this "every objection of the kind alluded to. offer to be attributed to a wish to aid Na"As they bear date on the 27th of July,poleon? How execrable, then, has been "and were forwarded by the British the conduct of those who have been labourแ packet Alphea, it is more than probable ing to make the people of England believe, that they may have been received and that Mr. Madison went to war to aid Na"acted on. -I am happy to explain to polcon! What wretches must those be, 66 you thus fully the views of my Govern- who have called him "the tool of the fallen "ment on this important subject. The despot?" what impudent men, those who "President desires that the war which have accused him of attacking us in the "exists between our countries should be dark, like an assassin? The man, who, "terminated on such conditions as may sc- the other day, uttered that expression, cure a solid and durable peace. To ac- ought to have had his lips smashed upon complish this great object, it is neces- his teeth. Every effort, short of opening sary that the interest of impressment be the Republican ships to English press"satisfactorily arranged. He is willing gangs, was, it appears to me, made by the "that Great Britain should be secured President to prevent the war, and to put "against the evils of which she complains. an end to the war after it was begun. "He seeks, on the other hand, that the It is asserted most roundly, in Lord "citizens of the United States should be Castlereagh's letter to Mr. Russell, that "protected against a practice, which," to impress British seamen from the mer"while it degrades the nation, deprives "them of their right as freemen, takes "them by force from their families and "their country, into a foreign service, to fight the battles of a foreign Power, per"haps against their own kindred and "country.I abstain from entering, in "this communication, into othe grounds "of differences. The Orders in Council "having been repealed (with a reservation "not impairing a corresponding right on "the part of the United States), and no t illegal blockades revived or instituted in "their stead, and an understanding being "obtained on the subject of impressment, "in the mode herein proposed, the Presi"dent is willing to agree to a cessation "of hostilities, with a view to arrange, by treaty, in a more distinct and ample manner, and to the satisfaction of both "parties, every other subject of contro-way, even at time when he is accused of versy.I will only add, that if there "be no objection to an accommodation of "the difference relating to impressment, "in the mode proposed, other than the suspension of the British claims to impress"ment during the armistice, there can be none to proceeding, without the armistice, "to an immediate discussion and arrange"ment of an article on that subject. This "great question being satisfactorily ad"justed, the way will be open either for an armistice, or any other course leading most conveniently and expeditiously to a "general pacification"

66

46

..

This offer, too, was rejected! What more was the President to do unless he, at

"chant ships of a foreign State is the anci"ent and accustomed practice of the British "Government." It has often been thus said, but never has been attempted to be proved. I have never read of any such practice; I have never heard of any such practice; and, I defy any one, to cite in any book on the law of nations any record of such a practice, or any maxim or principle to warrant it. I have thrown down this challenge fifty times, and it has never been taken up. But, we did not stop with this practice. We impressed Native Republicans. Mr. Madison says that we impressed thousands of them. The President tenders us a law, to be agreed on by us as well as him, to prevent our seamen from serving on board of the Republican ships; and this, even this, does not satisfy us. He wishes to put an end to the war in this

having declared it for the purpose of aiding Napoleon; and still the hirelings of the London press call him "the tool of Napo"leon;" while other miscreants accuse him of having attacked us in the dark, like an assassin.

SECOND, the causes of the continuance of the War.But, how came the war not to cease when the war in Europe ceased? This is the most interesting part of the subject. The professed object of the war, on our part, was to make the Americans submit to our practice of impressment, alledging that that practice was necessary to the preservation of our maritime power, on which our existence depended." Mr.

Madison tendered us the means of prevent- | Monroe, in his instructions to the Commissioners at Ghent, written in July and August, telling them, that it appears to the President, that the war, on our part, has a new object.

treat.

66

66

66

we

ing our seamen from avoiding our service by serving on board of American ships; but, laying that aside, why did we not make peace as soon as we had made peace with France? We were no longer in danger. But this proclamation of the Admiralty There existed no longer any reason to was not all that had a tendency to produce fear, that our men would take refuge on this opinion of our object. On the 24 of June, board of American ships. The European just after the issuing of this proclamation, peace had taken away all ground of quar- the London newspapers published what rel. The Republic was always ready to they called a speech of Sir Joseph Yorke, Her Ministers, or Commissioners, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, deliverwere in London soliciting audiences. And ed, as it was stated, in the House of Comyet the war continued, and, on our part, mons, the evening before. This document with more fury than ever. All danger to is of infinite importance, whether us was at an end. The French king was view it as coming from a Gentleman in restored; the Pope was re-established in office, or as to the time of its having been his Chair of St. Peter; regular Govern- uttered, or, at least, published. It was in ment and the Inquisition were happily re- these memorable words, as published in the stored in Spain; and, in short, "social Courier newspaper of the 2d June, 1814. "order and our holy religion," as John" Sir J. Yorke observed, that although Bowles used to call them, were every where" one great enemy of this country, Bonabecome again in vogue. parte, had been deposed, there was anoThis change took place in the months of "ther gentleman whose DEPOSITION April and May last; and just as I was hugwas also necessary to our interest, he ging myself in the prospect of a speedy" meant Mr. President Madison, and with peace with America, out came a very ex- a view to THAT DEPOSITION a traordinary paper from the Admiralty. It" considerable naval force must be kept was an address to the fleets. It set out up, especially in the Atlantic. But as with expressing thanks to the sailors for "to his Hon. Friend's opinion respecting their services in the glorious cause, which" the reduction of the Navy, he wished it had just been crowned with such signal" to be considered that a number of shipsuccess; it then stated to them, that their "ping were employed in conveying French services would be wanted a little longer, in prisoners to France, and bringing home order to carry on the war against America, our own countrymen. So much for the which had been guilty of an unprovoked act occupation of our navy on the home of aggression against our maritime rights; station.—But from the Mediterranean and it concluded by observing, that, with" for instance, several three deckers were the aid of the navy, there was no doubt" ordered home, and he could swear that but such a peace would be procured as no practicable exertion would be remitted would tend to the "LASTING TRAN-" to reduce the expence of our Naval De"QUILLITY OF THE CIVILIZED "partment."-This required, no interpre“WORLD." There was a great deal of ter. It left no 100m for miscomprehension. meaning in these concluding words. Sup- It went, at once, to the point; and, though pose the war to have gained us an acknow-it might possibly have becna fabrication of ledgment of our right to send press-gangs the Newspaper Editors, it never was, at into American merchant ships on the high any time afterwards, stated to have been seas, what had that to do with "the lasting such; and yet it was of quite importance "tranquillity of the civilized world?" And enough to merit a contradiction, if it could why the word civilized? In short, this have received it. No wonder, then, that novel instrument was, in America, looked Mr. Madison thought, that we had found upon as a new declaration of war against out a new object for the war. It was high them; a declaration of war upon a new time for him to make this discovery, when ground. Jonathan, who heard so much he read in the English newspapers a report about our care for the "civilized world," of the speech of a Lord of the Admiralty, when we began our war against the French stating, in an official way, that a strong Republic, did not fail to interpret these sig-naval force was still necessary with a view nificant words according to John Bowles's to THE DEPOSING of Mr. Madison. Dictionary. Accordingly we find Mr. This speech, as I have often said, may

[ocr errors]

66

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

66

have been a fabrication; but the publica- | "sistent with ourselves, we must in like tion of it never was complained of in the manner maintain the doctrine of NO House; the report was never contradicted" PEACE WITH JAMES MADIin the newspapers; and, at any rate, when "SON............

66

66

[ocr errors]

I need insert no more. This was the

coupled with the Proclamation of the Ad-"Can we doubt, that a vigorous effort on miralty, Mr. Madison could not help lookour part will annihilate the power of a ing upon it as very nearly proof positive of" faction, alike hostile to Britain, and fatal our Government's determination to depose "to America? Is not the time propitious him; that is to say, to destroy the Consti-" for WINNING AT LEAST THE tution of the Republic. “SOUNDER AND BETTER PART Besides, these documents went to Ame-" OF THE AMERICANS TO AN rica accompanied with the menacing lan-" UNION OF INTERESTS WITH guage of our press; or, at least, all that "THE COUNTRY FROM WHENCE part of the press which was most in vogue, “THEY SPRUNG?”. which was most cherished by the rich, and .................Again, in the same which was looked upon as speaking the paper of a date a few months later:-"The voice of persons having great influence." ill-organized association, is on the eve The prints of this description, the moment of dissolution; and the world is speedily Napoleon was down, changed, all at once, "to be delivered of the mischievous extheir tone with regard to America. They "ample of the existence of a Government had before talked of our maritime rights; "FOUNDED ON DEMOCRATIC they had apologized for the war; they had "REBELLION.” called it a war of necessity; they had affected to lament that necessity; they had been ex-language of the favoured and patronised pressing their hopes of the return of peace part of the English press. It is impossible with our misled brethren in America. But no to efface these passages. They speak in sooner was Napoleon put down, than these language which can neither be misunderSadie prints proclaimed the necessity of con- stood nor misrepresented. tinuing the war for the purpose of subduing the Republic; of bringing her to subjection; of putting down her Government; of bringing to an union with us a part, at least, of the States; of rooting out her democratical principles. They declared, that no peace was to be made with James Madison, whom they called a TRAITOR and a REBEL. But observe well, that the main object constantly kept in view by these prints was the necessity of delivering the world of the EXAMPLE of the existence of a Government founded on DEMOCRATIC soph To quote all, a hundredth port, of the instances that i am here speak.. jeg, would fill a large volume. I will, thecore, content myself with a few pas#nyes from the Times newspaper of the last two weeks of the month of April, 1814.

"It is understood that part of our army "in France will be immediately trans"ferred to America, to FINISH the war "there with the same glory as in Europe, "and to place the peace on a foundation "equally firm and lasting."

"The American Government is, in point of fact, as much a tyranny "(though we are far from saying it is so horrible a one) as was that of Bonaparte: "and as we firmly urged the principle of no peace with Bonaparte; so, to be con

66

In addition to these clear unequivocal indications, we must not omit to bear in mind the article, which appeared in all our London prints, some weeks after the peace of Paris, stating, that there was a secret article in that treaty, pledging the Continental Powers not to interfere in the war, or the dispute, between England and America. This was something very remarkable; for the article was given as an extract from the Vienna Gazette, How could it get into that Gazette, which, all the world knows, contains nothing disapproved of by the Government? How could the article get there? It related to a matter of very great importance. Uncommonly important it was. The editor, the mere editor of a Paper at Vienna was not likely to think much, or care much, about America, or her dispute. Why should he invent the story of such a secret article? Be the cause of this article what it might, the effect certainly was very great. The fact, which was taken for granted by the enemies of liberty here, encouraged them to proceed in urging the continuance of the war; they told the people, that there was no danger now; that all the Powers of Europe were of one mind; that there was no fear, in the present state of France, of her lending the Americans any assistance;

[ocr errors][merged small]
« AnteriorContinuar »