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have gone to war. This, however, our naval officers did not do. It has never been denied by our Government, that many native Republicans were impressed by our osicers. It is notorious, that many of them have beca compelled to serve on board of our ships; and, of course, that many have been wounded or killed; or, at least, carrictl from their country, their homes, their family, and their affairs. Mr. Madison, in his last specch to the Congress, states, that “thorosands” of Native Republicans were thus impressed, before war was declared by the Congress. The Congress, at last, declared war; but the President, always anxious to avoid the calamities of war, immediately proposed the renewal of negociations for peace. Mr. Russell, then the Republican Minister in London, signified to Lord Castlereagh, in August 1812, that he was authorised to stipulate for an Armistice, to begin in sixty days, on the following conditions: “That the Orders in “Concil be rep-aled, and no illegal “ ockades be soostituted for them; and “” doors he immediately given to dis“. ... o.o. o. oorco 't of persons from ”... on to so, and rostore the “. . . . cos of to to Souks already inpressed ; it being moreover well under“stood, that the British Government will “assent to enter into definitive arrange“ments, as soon as may be, on these and “every other difference, by a Treaty, to be “concluded, either at London or Wash“ington, as on an impartial consideration “ of existing circumstances shall be deem“ed most expedient. As an inducement to Great Britain to discontinue the practice of impressment from American vessels, I am authorised to give assurance that a law shall be passed (to be reciprocal), to prohibit the “mployment of to itsh sca: , , on to public or coloro' orio tood States.—it is sits et, y o o

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, , ; a such as, arra goo, e rare esorious, in so at Britain her season, to provvi, o, in pressment, so de“rogatory to the sovereign attributes of the “ United States, and so incompatible with “ the personal rights of their citizens.” Lord Castiereagh's answer to this was as follows:—“ From this statement you “will perceive, that the view you have “taken of this part of the subject is incor“rect; and that, in the present state of the “relations between the two countries, the “operation of the Order of the 23d of **, . - ---

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“should desist from its ancient and accustomed practice of impressing British sea“men from the merchant ships of a foreign State, sinply on the assurance that a law “shall hereafter be passed, to prohibit the “employment of British seamen in the public or commercial service of that State.—The British Government now, as heretofore, is ready to receive from “the Government of the United States, and amicably to discuss, any proposition which professes to have in view either to check abuse in exercise of the practice of impressment, or to accomplish, by “means less liable to vexation, the object for which impressment has hitherto been found necessary; but they cannot consent to suspend the exercise of a right upon which the naval strèngth of the empire mainly depends, until they are fully convinced that means can be devised, and “will be adopted, by which the object to “be obtained by the exercise of that right “can be effectitally secured. I have the “honour to be, Sir, your most obedient “humble Servant.” This offer, you will perceive, came from the President. How salse, then, is the charge, that he went to war to assist Napoleon ' If that had been true, he, of course, would have proposed no armistice. He would have been anxious to avoid all means of reconciliation. But, on the contrary, he is the first to make an effort to put an end to the war; and, even in the case of impressment, to tender voluntarily a measure calculated to remove our apprehensions on the score of our seamenI do not know how an English Secretary of State may have been able to look a Repubhcan Minister in the face, while the former was asserting, that the strength of England mainly depended on the exercise of the right of impressing its own subjects;

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but, be that as it may, the President here tendered a measure to render that impress. ment unnecessary, unless it was still meant to impress the Republicans. The Republic having failed in this en

deavour to restore peace, she made another attempt, the succeeding month, as will be seen in the letter of Mr. Monroe to Sir John B. Warren, and which letter it is of great importance now, to peruse with attention. After the opening of his letter, he proceeds thus:–“I am instructed to “inform you, that it will be very satisfac“tory to the President to meet the British “Government in such arrangements as “may terminate, without delay, the hosti“lities which now exist between the United “States and Great Britain, on conditions “honourable to both nations. At the “moment of the declaration of war, the “President gave a signal proof of the at“tachment of the United States to peace. “Instructions were given, at an early pe“riod, to the late Charge d'Affaires of “the United States at London, to propose “to the British Government an armistice, “on conditions which, it was presumed, “would have been satisfactory. It has “been seen with regret, that the proposi“tion made by Mr. Monroe, particularly “in regard to the important interest of “impressment, was rejected ; and that “none was offered through that channel, “as a basis on which hostilities might * cease. As your Government has au“thorised you to propose a cessation of “hostilities, and is doubtless aware of the “important and salutary effect which a sa“tisfactory adjustment of this difference “cannot fail to have on the future rela“tions between the two countries, I in“dulge the hope that it has, ere this, given “you full powers for the purpose. Ex“ perience has sufficiently evinced that no “peace can be durable, unless this object “is provided for: it is presumed, there“fore, that it is equally the interest of “both countries to adjust it at this time.— Without further discussing questions of right, the President is desirous to provide a remedy for the evils complained of on both sides. The claim of the British Government is to take from the merchant vessels of other count, ies Bri. tish subjects. In the practice, the Com“manders of British ships of war often “take from the merchant vessels of the “United States American citizens. If the

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“United States prohibit the emplo thent of - P ploy

“British subjects in their service, and “enforce the prohibition by suitable regit

“lations and penalties, the motive for the

“practice is taken away. It is in this mode “that the President is willing to accommo“ date this important controversy with the “British Government, and it cannot be con“ceived on what ground the arrangement “can be refused. A suspension of the “practice of impressment, pending the ar“mistice, scems to be a necessary conse“quence. It cannot be presumed, while “the parties are engaged in a negociation “to adjust amicably this important differ“ence, that the United States would ad“mit the right, or acquiesce in the prac“tice, of the opposite party; or that Great “Britain would be unwilling to restrain “her cruisers from a practice which would “have the strongest tendency to defeat “the negociation. It is presumable that “both parties would enter into a negocia“tion with a sincere desire to give it effect. “For this purpose, it is necessary that a “clear and distinct understanding be first “obtained between them, of the accommo“dation which each is prepared to make. “If the British Government is willing to “suspend the practice of impressment ń. “American vessels, on consideration that “ the United States will carclude British. “seamen from their service, the regulation, “by which this compromise should be car“ried into effect, would be solely the ob“ject of this megociation. The armistice “would be of short duration. If the par“ ties agree, peace would be the result. “If the negociation failed, each would be “restored to its former state, and to all its “pretensions, by recurring to war.—Lord “Castlereagh, in his note to Mr. Russell, “seems to have supposed, that, had the “British Government accepted the propo“sitions made to it, Great Britain would “have suspended immediately the czercise “of a right on the mere assurance of this “Government, that a law would be after“wards passed to prohibit the employment “of British seamen in the service of the “ United States, and that Great Britain “would have no agency in the regulation “to give effect to that proposition. . Such “an idea was not in the contemplation of “this Government, nor is to be reasonably “inferred from Mr. Russell's note: least, “however, by possibility, such an inference “might be drawn from the instructions “ to Mr. Russell, and anxious that there “should be no misunderstanding in the “case, subsequent instructions were given “to Mr. Russell, with a view to obviate “every objection of the kind alluded to. “As they bear date on the 27th of July, “ and were forwarded by the British “packet Alphea, it is more than probable “ that they may have been received and “acted on. I am happy to explain to “you thus fully the views of my Govern“ment on this important subject. The “President desires that the war which “exists between our countries should be “ terminated on such conditions as may se“cure a solid and durable peace. To ac“complish this great object, it is neces“sary that the interest of impressment be “satisfactorily arranged. He is willing “ that Great Britain should be sceured against the evils of which she complains. “He seeks, on the other hand, that the “citizens of the United States should be “protected against a practice, which, “while it degrades the nation, deprives “ them of their right as freemen, takes “them by force from their families and their country, into a foreign service, to “fight the battles of a foreign Power, per“haps against their own kindred and “country.--I abstain from entering, in “this communication, into othed grounds “ of differences. The Orders in Council “having been repealed (with a reservation “not impairing a corresponding right on “the part of the United States), and no “illegal blockadcs revived or instituted in “their stead, and an understanding being obtained on the subject of impressment, “in the mode herein proposed, the Presi“dent is willing to agree to a cessation “of hostilities, with a view to arrange, by treaty, in a more distinct and ample “manner, and to the satisfaction of both “parties, every, other subject of contro“versy. I will only add, that if there “be no objection to an accommodation of “the difference relating to impressment, “in the mode proposed, other than the sus“pension of the British claims to impress“ment during the armistice, there can be “none to proceeding, without the armistice, “ to an immediate discussion and arrange“ment of an article on that subject. This “great question being satisfactorily ad“justed, the way will be open either for “an armistice, or any other course leading “most conveniently and capeditiously to a “general pacification.” This offer, too, was rejected ' What more was the President to do unless he, at

once allowed, that we had a right to impress on board American ships. Was this offer to be attributed to a wish to aid Napoleon How execrable, then, has been the conduct of those who have been labouring to make the people of England believe, 'that Mr. Madison went to war to aid Napolcon | What wretches must those be, who have called him “the tool of the fallen “ despot 2" what impudent men, those who have accused him of attacking us in the dark, like an assassin The man, who, the other day, uttered that expressiou, ought to have had his lips smashed upon his teeth. Every effort, short of opening the Republican ships to English pressgangs, was, it appears to me, made by the President to prevent the war, and to put an end to the war after it was begun. It is asserted most roundly, in Lord Castlereagh's letter to Mr. Russell, that “to impress British scamen from the mer“chant ships of a foreign State is the anci“ent and accustomed practice of the British “Government.” It has often been thus said, but never has been attempted to be proved. I have never read of any such practice; I have never heard of any such practice ; and, I defy any one, to cite in any book on the law of nations any record of such a practice, or any maxim or principle to warrant it. I have thrown down this challenge fifty times, and it has never been taken up. But, we did not stop with this practice. We impressed Native Republicans. Mr. Madison says that weimpressed thousands of them. The President tenders us a law, to be agreed on by us as well as him, to prevent our seamen from serving on board of the Republican ships; and this, even this, does not satisfy us.-He wishes to put an end to the war in this way, even at 8 time when he is accused of having declared it for the purpose of aiding Napoleon; and still the hirelings of the London press call him “the tool of Napo“leon;” while other miscreants accuse him of having attacked us in the dark, like an assass???. SEcond, the causes of the continuance of the hoar.—But, how came the war not to cease when the war in Europe ceased 2 This is the most interesting part of the subject. The professed object of the war, on our part, was to make the Americans submit to our practice of impressment, alledging that that practice was necessary to the preservation of our maritime power,

on which our existence depended. Mr. Madison tendered us the means of preventingourseamen from avoiding our service by serving on board of American ships; but, laying that aside, why did we not make peace as soon as we had made peace with France 2 We were no longer in danger. There existed no longer any reason to fear, that our men would take refuge on board of American ships. The European peace had taken away all ground of quarrel. The Republic was always ready to treat. Her Ministers, or Commissioners, were in London soliciting audiences. And yet the war continued, and, on our part, with more fury than ever. All danger to us was at an end. The French king was ristored ; the Pope was re-established in his Chair of St. Peter; regular Government and the Inquisition were happily restored in Spain ; and, in short, “social “order and our holy religion,” as John Bowles used to call them, were every where become again in vogue. This change took place in the months of April and May last; and just as I was hugging myself in the prospect of a speedy peace with America, out came a very extraordinary paper from the Admiralty. It was an address to the fleets. It set out with expressing thanks to the sailors for their services in the glorious cause, which had just been crowned with such signal success; it then stated to them, that their services would be wanted a little longer, in order to carry on the war against America, which had been guilty of an unprovoked act of aggression against our maritime rights; and it concluded by observing, that, with the aid of the navy, there was no doubt but such a peace would be procured as

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would tend to the “LASTING TRAN

“QUILLITY OF THE CIVILIZED “WORLD.” There was a great deal of meaning in these concluding words. Suppose the war to have gained us an acknowledgment of our right to send press-gangs into American merchant ships on the high seas, what had that to do with “the lasting “tranquillity of the civilized world?” And why the word civilized? In short, this novel instrument was, in America, looked upon as a new declaration of war against them; a declaration of war upon a new ground. Jonathan, who heard so much about our care for the “civilized world,” when we began our war against the French Republic, did not fail to interpret these significant words according to John Bowles's

Dictionary. Accordingly we find Mr.

Monroe, in his instructions to the Commissioners at Ghent, written in July and August, telling them, that it appears to the . President, that the war, on our part, has a new object. But this proclamation of the Admiralty was not all that had a tendency to produce this opinion of our object. On the 2d of June, just after the issuing of this proclamation, the London newspapers published what they called a speech of Sir Joseph Yorke, one of the Lords of the Admiralty, delivered, as it was stated, in the House of Commons, the evening before. This document is of infinite importance, whether we view it as coming from a Gentleman in office, or as to the time of its having been uttered, or, at least, published. It was in these memorable words, as published in the Courier newspaper of the 2d June, 1814. —“Sir J. Yorke observed, that although “one great enemy of this country, Bona“parte, had been deposed, there was ano“ther gentleman whose DEPOSITION “was also necessary to our interest, he “meant Mr. President Madison, and with “a view to THAT DEPOSITION a “considerable naval force must be kept “up, especially in the Atlantic. But as “to his Hon. Friend's opinion respecting “the reduction of the Navy, he wished it “ to be considered that a number of ship“ping were employed in conveying French “prisoners to France, and bringing home “our own countrymen. So much for the “occupation of our navy on the home “station.—But from the Mediterranean “for instance, several three deckers were “ordered home, and he could swear that “nopracticable exertion would be remitted “to reduce the expence of our Naval De“partment.”—This required, no interpreter. It left no loom for miscomprehension. It went, at once, to the point; and, though it might possibly have been a fabrication of the Newspaper Editors, it never was, at any time afterwards, stated to have been such; and yet it was of quite importance enough to merit a contradiction, if it could have received it. No wonder, then, that Mr. Madison thought, that we had found out a new object for the war. It was high time for him to make this discovery, when he read in the English newspapers a report of the speech of a Lord of the Admiralty, stating, in an official way, that a strong naval force was still necessary with a view to THE DEPOSING of Mr. Madison." This speech, as I have often said, may

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have been a fabrication; but the publication of it never was complained of in the House; the report was never contradicted in the newspapers; and, at any rate, when coupled with the Proclamation of the Admiralty, Mr. Madison could not help looking upon it as very nearly proof positive of our Government's determination to depose him; that is to say, to destroy the Constitution of the Republic. Besides, these documents went to America accompanied with the menacing language of our press; or, at least, all that part of the press which was most in vogue, which was most cherished by the rich, and which was looked upon as speaking the voice of persons having great influence. The prints of this description, the moment Napoleon was down, changed, all at once, their tone with regard to America. They had before talked of our maritime rights; they had apologized for the war; they had called it a war of necessity; they had affected to lament that necessity; they had been expressing their hopes of the return of peace

with our misled brethren in America. But no sooner was Napoleon put down, than these

sańe prints proci.imed the necessity of continuing the war for the purpose of subduing the Republic; of bringing her to subjection; of putting down her Government; of bringing to an union with us a part, 4t least, of the States; of rooting out her democratical principles. They declared, that no peace was to be made with James Madison, whom they called a TRAITOR and a REBEL. But observe well, that the main object constantly kept in view by these prints was the necessity of delivering the world of the EXAMPLE of the existence of a Government founded on OF MOCRATIC **, *, *. To quote a ', or a hundredth port of the instances that am here speak. jo o would is a large volume. I will, the fore, content myself with a few passo from the 7 o'cs newspaper of the last two works of toe month of April, 1814. “It is understood that part of our army in France will be immediately trans“ferred to America, to FINISH the war “ there with the same glory as in Europe, “and to place the peace on a foundation “equally firm and lasting.” * * * * * * --...............“The American Government “is, in point of fact, as much a tyranny “(though we are far from saying it is so * horrible a one) as was that of Bonaparte: “ and as we firmly urged the principle of “no peace with Bonaparte; so, to be con

“sistent with ourselves, we must in like “manner maintain the doctrine of NO “PEACE WITH JAMES MADI“SON........................................-“Can we doubt, that a vigorous effort on “our part will annihilate the power of a “faction, alike hostile to Britain, and fatal “to America? Is not the time propitious “ for WINNING AT LEAST THE “ SOUNDER AND BETTER PART “ OF THE AMERICANS TO AN “ UNION OF INTERESTS WITH “THE COUNTRY FROM WHENCE “THEY SPRUNG 2"....................“........................Again, in the same paper of a date a few months later:—“The “‘ ill-organized association, is on the eve “of dissolution ;’ and the world is speedily “to be delivered of the mischievous ea“ample of the caristence of a Government “FOUNDED ON DEMOCRATIC “REBELLION.” I need insert no more. This was the language of the favoured and patronised part of the English press. It is impossible to efface these passages. They speak in

language which can neither be misunder

stood nor misrepresented.” In addition to these clear unequivocal indications, we must not omit to bear in mind the article, which appeared in all our London prints, some weeks after the peace of Paris, stating, that there was a scoret article in that treaty, pledging the Contimental Powers not to interfere in the war, or the dispute, between England and America. This was something very remarkable ; for the article was given as an extract from the Vienna Gazette. How could it get into that Gazette, which, all the world knows, contains nothing disapproved of by the Government iłow could the article get there? It related to a matter of very great importance. Uncommonly important it was. The cditor, the mere editor of a Paper at Vienna was not likely

to think much, or care much, about Ame

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