hold on by a faction: Gustavus was declared insane by his subjects, dethroned, exiled, and, ever since, has lived in retirement, on the scanty pittance which the humane and charitable were willing to bestow on fallen royalty. Now, however, he seems disposed to assert his rights, and if an article from Basle is to be credited, he has em

sent regime, inspiration is not permitted. | the power of Napoleon. This unfortuHad Joanna Southcott, Parson Towzer, tunate expression was immediately laid &c. gone over to that country, instead of making converts, they would have been sent to the gallies! Who, therefore, will attempt to deny, that ours is the mildest of all possible governments, and Lord Ellenborough the most moderate of all possible judges? Mr. George Houston, to be sure, who composed that most diabolical book entitled "Ecce Homo," is on the opposite side of the question. Heployed Sir Sydney Smith as his agent, wants to prove what I shudder to think to present a declaration to the Conof of course dare not repeat--and the gress at Vienna, of which the substance poor man in France who set himself up is said to be a revocation, on his own as being "Le Bon Dieu,” the good God part, and in behalf of his son, of the act himself, is sent (in order to convince the of abdication by which he resigned the world of his mistake) to prison for five crown and government of Sweden.years! But his followers, I understand, Without attributing any improper moswear, that this is a certain evidence tives to the interference of a British Miof his divinity, and impiously appeal to nister in a business of this nature, I historical proefs, whether an instance is cannot help thinking that the appearance not to be found, some where or other, of of this declaration at the present moment, a man being even put to death for a is more for the purpose of alarming Bersimilar offence, and yet becoming after-nadotte, the Crown Prince of Sweden, wards the founder of a religion so pow- than from any regard to the rights of erful, that to express a doubt of its divinity the exiled monarch. How, indeed, can subjected every unfortunate disbeliever to fine, imprisonment, and its whole train of concomitant evils. I give you the text. I leave the commentary to your readers; and am, &c. Feb. 9, 1815.

PHILO-CIVIS.

THE LATE KING OF SWEDEN. Mr. COBBETT. Of all the claimants among the legitimate sovereigns of Europe, to restitution of the territory and kingdoms, which they lost in consequence of the mighty events attending the French revolution, it was scarcely to be expected that the ci-devant king of Sweden would have come forward and placed himself in "the list. At one period, no doubt, he was hailed in this enlightened country as a magnanimous prince, and extolled to the skies for his virtues, because he ventured to quarrel with Bonaparte; but our sagacious politicians were not long in discovering, that the empty coffers of his treasury were ill calculated to maintain a struggle with France. At first, our generosity enabled him to appose something like a show of resistance to the "Corsican Usurper," but lavish as we were of our money at that period, we soon got tired of our magnanimous ally, and asserted that he was mad to think of resisting

66

it be otherwise, when the case of the unfortunate sovereign of Saxony is considered?-As to him neither rights, justice nor policy are respected. It must, therefore, have been to promote some other object than that of asserting the personal claims of Gustavus, that he has been brought upon the carpet; and when the attempts which have lately been made. by an infamous press, to bring the King of Naples into discredit are recollected, it will excite no surprise if it should turn out that the present is a scheme to favor some project, perhaps not yet fully matured, of dethroning Bernadotte. Whether this conjecture is well founded or not, a very short period will determine. Meanwhile I am your admirer. Julian, Feb. 9th. 1815.

LEGION OF HONOUR.

SIR,-In your valuable Register of the week before last, your Correspondent Civis, has made a most unwarrantable attack upon the New Legion of Honour, by adding to the ranks of that "most honourable Institution," the person whom he calls "Sir Digby Hamilton," and classes with Sir Henry Torrens and Sir Harry Calvert, &c. I beg the favour of your being so good as to correct this.

I am, &c. P. C. Horse Guards, Feb. 2, 1815.

mis-statement, "the temporary rank Ma- | respondents will set me right.-If not, "jor General Waggon Master General' perhaps through your channel the public not having succeeded in his application will receive the desired information. to become a Member of the "Fraternity." It was indeed hinted that he was to have been one of the Pen and Ink Knights; but Mr. Canning having claimed Lord UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD. Cochrane's Vacancy, as you explained SIR,-The facts contained in the letters in a former Register, no Niche, suffici- which appeared in your REGISTER withently capacious, could be found for him. in the last twelvemonth, exposing the aMr. Canning, it is said, generously of buse of power in the University of Oxfered to wave his claims in favour of the ford, afford a lamentable, but convincing, Temporary Rank General," (in com- proof, that the head may be furnished pliment to the Commander in Chief) but with some learning, while the heart is a doubt then arose as to the possibility of without any feeling. It is evident that admitting him, as, in that case, Mr. Nal- the persons to whom your correspondent's der, the worthy and respectable City strictures apply, are those who have seen Marshal, insisted upon being decorated little or nothing of the world, or who have with the Order, declaring that on the oc- not had the good sense to profit by what casion of Sir Francis Burdett's commit- they have seen; and whose ideas are ment to the Tower, he had seen much consequently confined. His strictures more "dangerous service," in marshralling apply to men, who are acquainted with the carriages in order of march, than books, but not with mankind; or who the "Temporary Rank" Major General after having submitted to be slaves when ever saw in his whole military career, under authority, avenge themselves by from his first " official situation" as Ar becoming tyrants.-I amconfirmed in this tillery Serjeant's Clerk, up to his present opinion by a circumstance which your high office of superintendant of the Horse correspondent, I believe, will not deny, Guards! Lord Cochrane has certainly to that so far as his statement regards the regret his exclusion from the "honourable procuratorial office, the greatest abuses "Order,"under the present circumstances, have, generally speaking, (though it must for, unquestionably, he would have made be owned there have been occasionally many most respectable and valuable ac- some striking instances to the contrary) quaintances, which he is now deprived of. been committed by the youngest men, I beg leave to intrude one other remark: and that the pro-proctors, who properly As your Register is in very general cir- should only act in the absence of the culation, no doubt some of your corres-proctors from the university, or by their pondents can favour me with information, | immediate concurrence and advice, as as to what is the meaning of Temporary the name of the officer imports, (proRank; how long does it last; or does curator, i. e. the deputy's deputy) are temporary mean permanent?" Every more frequently to blame than their su "Temporary Rank Officer" in the whole periors in office. Indeed, it generally Army has been long ago reduced: what happens, that one or other of these young therefore are the peculiar claims or merits gentlemen, (for I do not accuse them all) of Temporary Rank Waggon Master through his extreme indiscretion, and arMajor General, Digby Hamilton, that dent desire to shew and exert his power, a most invidious exception should be will act in direct opposition to the good made in his favour? Have the fatal con- intentions of his superiors, who, unhappily, sequences, attendant on secret influence when an error has been committed by been forgotten? Or, are the private ono or other of the said pro-proctors, services of the " Major General," of think proper to support his authority, such a nature as to demand that he however ill-advisedly it may have been should continue to receive a large annuity, exercised. This is a very common cause and very great emoluments; such as of abuse, and of the injustice and cruelty forage for his horses, coals, candles &c. which so frequently attend it. I remem thus saddling the public with an enormous ber an instance, not many years ago, of expence, without any apparent duty a quarrel in a house between two women, being performed for it? If this is an being construed into a riot, and on an inerroneous statement, some of your Cor-formation being laid by some ill-natured

66

person, the house was visited by one of the pro-proctors; though even if there had been a riot, it would not have come under his jurisdiction, but under that of a common peace-officer, as the university statutes, taken in their most rigid sense, only autlrorise its officers to enter houses in order to ascertain whether any members of the university are in them. The women, however, were taken before the officer who had the power of commitment, and instead of being dismissed by him with a reprimand, and a private hint being given to the pro-proctor to act with greater caution, were sent to prison. I cannot help observing, that out of six persons invested with so much power, there is great probability that one at Jeast will be ill-conditioned or wrongheaded; and to see the extreme officiousness and encreased activity of such a man as the termination of his short-lived power approaches, is highly ludicrous. It is sometimes the heighthof his ambition to procure a nomination to the office for two or three successive years.

consider imprisonment, in its legal sense,
as merely implying confinement in a
prison, which, considering the misery
and privations necessarily attending it,
even in its best state, must be very-
wretched, without subjecting the prison-
ers to any unnecessary hardship, or ex-
posing their healths to irretrievable in-
jury. As long, however, as this hard-
ship continues, and in inclement wea-
ther, it is of the most severe description,
as well as the extreme dampness of the
prison, it is hoped that the humanity
of the Vice-chancellor, will duly con-
sider each particular case before he con-
signs a female to a punishment that may
prove so injurious to her health and con-
stitution. If we look into history, we
shall find that Parliamentary interfer-
rence has never been of much advantage
either to the Universities or the Clergy.
I confess, however, that such interfer-
ence, whatever may be the consequence,
would be more satisfactory than the con-
stant irritation arising from a scene of
cruelty and oppression, which will always
exist, more or less in a place where the
inhabitants are deprived of the protec-
tion of the common law of the land.
I shall only add, that the good sense
of those whom it may more immediately
concern, should suggest to them, that in
these days, such measures as were lately
put in practice, and which, it is hoped,
will never be revived, are not well
adapted to perpetuate privileges.
Oxford, Feb. 1, 1815.

AMERICAN DOCUMENTS.

H. S.

Of the truth of your correspondent's statements, I am perfectly convinced by my own observations and inquiries; and I perfectly agree with him that neither the discipline nor morality of the University has been improved by the means he so justly censures. It may perhaps be said, that it is the duty of the officers of the University to exert themselves in the suppression of immorality. This I am ready to grant; but let it at the same time be remembered (to use the words of your correspondent, in his first letter) that "they are not justified in punishing offenders beyond the limits marked out by the law"; that "the profligate should Continued from page 160. be punished, and punished according to the acknowledged principles of public law, and the known and equal law of the land, to the practice of all civilized nations, particularly and not with greater severity than that of Great Britain and the United States. allows; and that by good magistrates, founded on reciprocity. It is unnecessary for the reformation will always be preferred to attainment of the object which it professes to have severity of punishment. Your corres-in view. No maxim of public law has hitherto pondent was too sanguine in his expec-been more universally established among the Pow tations that the windows of the cells in ers of Europe possessing territories in America, and the prison would be immediately closed there is none to which Great Britain has more with glass. This is the case in the most uniformly and inflexibly adhered, than that of sufmodern and the best constructed prisons; fering no interposition of e foreign power in the but here it has not been done. I cannot relations between the acknowledged Sovereign of the help expressing my hopes, though, per- territory, and the Indians situated upon it. With haps, I myself may be too sanguine in out the admission of this principle, there would be entertaining them, that the city magistrates no intelligible meaning attached to stipulations will at some future time see the necessity establishing boundaries between the dominions in of this humane alteration; that they will America of civilized nations possessing territories

"

It is not

inhabited by Indian tribes. Whatever may be to continue the war. They have nothing to ask

of them but peace. Commissioners on their part have been appointed to conclude it, and an armistice was actually made last Autumn with most of those tribes. The British Government may again have induced some of them to take their side in the war, but peace with them will necessarily follow immediately a peace with Great Britain. Tos provisional article similar to what has been stipulated in some former treaties, engaging that each party will treat for the Indians within its territories, include them in the peace, and use its best endeavours to prevent them from committing hostilities against the citizens or subjects of the other party, the undersigned might assent, and rely on the approbation and ratification of their Government. They would also, for the purpose of securing the duration of peace, and to prevent collisions which might interrupt it, propose a stipulation which should preclude the subjects or citizens' of each

the relations of Indians to the nation in whose ter-
ritory they are thus acknowledged to réside, they
cannot be considered as an independent power by
the nation which has made such acknowledgement.
That the territory of which Great Britain now
wishes to dispose is within the dominions of the
United States, was solemnly acknowledged by her
self, in the Treaty of Peace of 1783, which es-
tablished their boundaries, and by which she re-
linquished all claims to the government, proprietory
and territorial rights, within those boundaries.
No condition respecting the Indians residing therein
was inserted in that Treaty. No stipulation, similar |
to that now proposed is to be found in any treaty
made by Great Britain, or within the knowledge
of the undersigned by any other nation. The In-
dian tribes for which Great Britain propose now
to stipulate, have themselves acknowledged this
principle. By the Grenville Treaty of 1795, to
which the British Plenipotentiaries have alluded,nation respectively, from trading with the Indians
it is expressly stipulated, and the condition has been
confirmed by every subsequent Treaty, so late as
the year 1810" That the Indian tribes shall
quietly enjoy their lands, hunting, planting, and
dwellings thereon, so long as they please, without
any molestation from the United States; but that
when those tribes, or any of them, shall be disposed
to sell their lands, they are to be sold ouly to the
United States: that until such sale, the United
States will protect all the said "Indian tribes in the
quiet enjoyment of their lands against all citizens
of the United States, and against all other white
persons who intrude on the same; and that the
said Indian tribes again acknowledge themselves
to be under the protection of the said United
States, and of no other power whatever." That
there is no reciprocity in the proposed stipulation
is evident. In prohibiting Great Britain and the
United States from purchasing lands within a part
of the dominions of the latter power, while it pro-
fesses to take from Great Britain a privilege which
she had not, it actually deprives the United States
of a right exclusively belonging to them. The
proposition is also utterly unnecessary for the pur-
pose of obtaining a pacification for the Indians re-
siding within the territories of the United States.
The undersigned have already had the honour of
informing the British Plenipotentiaries that, under
the system of liberal policy adopted by the United |
States in their relations with the Indians within
their territories, an uninterrupted peace had sub-
sisted from the year 1795, not only between the
United States and all those tribes, but also amongst
those tribes themselves, for a longer period of time
than ever had been known since the first settlement
of North America. Against those Indians the
United States have neither interest nor inclination

residing in the territory of the other. But to
surrender both the rights of sovereignty and of soil
over nearly one-third of the territorial dominions
of the United States to a number of Indians not
probably exceeding 20,000, the undersigned are
so far from being instructed or authorized, that
they assure the British Commissioners, that any
arrangement for that purpose would be instanta,
neously rejected by their Government. Not only
has this extraordinary demand been made a sine
"qua non, to be admitted without a discussion,
and as a preliminary basis, but it is wreompanied
by others equally missible, which the Etisk
Plenipotentiaries state to be so connected with
it, that they may reasonably influence the decision
of the undersigned upon it, yet leaving them un-
informed how far these other demands may also bẹ
insisted on as indispensible conditions of a peace.
As little are the undersigned instructed or empowered
to accede to the propositions of the British Govern-
ment, in relation to the military occupation of the
Western Lakes. If they have found the proposed
interference of Great Britain in the concerns of
Indians residing within the United States utterly
incompatible with any established maxim of publie
law, they are no less at a loss to discover by what
rule of perfect reciprocity the United States cau
be required to renounce their equal right of main-
taining a`naval force upon those Lakes, and of
fortifying their own shores, while Great Britain
reserves exclusively the corresponding rights to her-
self. That in point of maitary preparation Great
Britain, in her possessions in North America, ever
has been in a condition to be termed, with propriety,
the weaker power, in comparison with the United
States, the undersigned believe to be incorrect
in point of fact. In regard to the fortification of

abandon territory and a portion of their citizens, to admit a foreign interference in their domestic concerns, and to cease to exe.cise their natural rights on their own shores and in their own waters.-A treaty concluded on such terms would be but an armistice. It cannot be supposed that America would long submit to conditions so injurious and degrading. It is impossible, in the natural course of events, that she should not, at the first favourable opportunity, recurto arms for the recovery of her terri

the shores, and to the forces actually kept on foot upon those frontiers, they believe the superiority to have always been on the side of Great Britain. If by the proposal to dismantle the forts upon her shores, strike for ever her military flag upon her lakes, and lay her whole frontier defenceless in the presence of her armed and fortified neighbour, had proceeded not from Great Britain to the United States, but from the United States to Great Britain, the undersigned may safely appeal to the bosoms of his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiariestory, of her rights, of her honour. Instead of settling

existing differences, such a peace would only create new causes of war, sow the seeds of a permanent hatred, and laythe foundation of hostilities for an indefinite priod. Essentially paclic from her political

her physical situation, America reluctantly engaged in the war. She wishes for peace; but she wishes for it upon those terms of reciprocity, honourable to both countries, which can alone render it permanents The causes of the war between the United States and Great Britain having disappeared by the maritime pacification of Europe, the government of the United States does not desire to continue it, in detence of abstract principles which have, for the present, ceased to have any practical effect. The undersigned have been accordingly instructed to agree to its termination, both parties restoring whatever ter

for the feelings with which, not only in regard to the interests, but the honour of their nation, they would have received such a proposal. What would Great Britain herself say, it, in relation to another frontier, where she has the acknowledged supe-institutions, from the habits of her citizens, front riority of strength, it were proposed that she should be reduced to a condition even of equality with the United States. The undersigned further perceive, that under the alledged purpose of opening a direct communication between two of the British provinces in America, the British Government require a cession of territory forming a part of one of the States of the American Union, and that they propose, without purpose specifically alledged, to draw the boundary-line westward, not from the Lake of the Woods, as it now is, but from Lake Superior. It must be perfectly immaterial to the United States, whether the object of the Bri-ritory they may have taken, and both reserving all tish Government, in demanding the diamember-hi rights, in relation to their respective seamen. ment of the United States is to acqohe kerkery, To make the peace between the two nations solid as such, or for purposes less Incle, la the resol the world, to be added turtis dive of cu grom disement. Whatever thr may

aud with whatever cassoley views of code; est may be disclaimed while, demanding io derseit, or for the Indians, a cession of territory more extensive than the whole island of Great Britain, the duty marked out for the undersigned is the same. They have no authority to cede any part of the territory of the United States, and to no st pulation to that effect will they subscribe. The conditions proposed by Great Britain have no relation to the subsisting differences between the two countries: they are inconsistent with acknowledged principles of public law: they are founded neither on reciprocity nor on any of the usual bases of negotiation. Neither on that of the uti possidetis, or the status unte bellum: they would inflict the most vital injury on the United States, by dismembering the territory, by arresting their natural growth and increase of population, and by leaving their northern and western frontier equally exposed to British invasion and to Indian aggression; they are above all dishonourable to the United States, in'demanding from them to

pmanent, the undersigned were also instructcd and have been prepared to enter into the amiPabic niscussion of all those points on which differences or uncertainty had existed, and which might hereafter tend in any degree whatever to interrupt the harmony of the two countries, without, however making the conclusion of the peace at all depend upon a successful result of the discussion. It is, with deep regret, that the undersigned have seen that other views are entertained by the British Government, and that new and unexpected pretensions are raised, which, if persisted in, must oppose an insuperable obstacle to a pacification. It is not necessary to refer such demands to the American Go vernment for its instruction; they will only be a fit subject of deliberation, when it becomes necessary to decide upon the expediency of an absolate surrender of National Independence. The undersigned request the British Plenipotentiaries to accept the assurance of their high consideration. JOHN QUINCEY ADAMS, JAMES A. BAYARD, JONATHAN RUSSELL, H. CLAY, A. GALLATIN.

(To be continued.)

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