tion. During the late war, several laws To men of other minds I now address myself. It is inconvenient to most people to go to any particular place to sign a Requisition to the Sheriff'; and, therefore, I publish the following Circular Requisition, in imitation of the Circular Petition of the Agricultural Society. This Requisition may be copied upon a sheet of paper and signed by as many persons, in any town or place, as choose to sign it. The paper, thus signed, may then be sent to me, at Betley near Southampton, before the 1st day of March; and, if I receive Requisitions, the signatures to the whole of which amount to one hundred, I will wait upon the Sherif with them. If I do not, I shall have done my utmost in opposition to the Corn Bill; I shall leave the dear loaf and heavy taxes to jog quietly on together; and to hear the whinings, and grumblings of those who feel the grievance, and yet want the spirit to use the lawful means of getting rid of it, will be an ample compensation to me for the portion of the grievance that will fall to my lot. go to France and to other countries, where they could live upon cheap food, in cheap houses; and have cheap servants, horses and carriages; and, soon after these would follow many of our manufacturers, and these the most clever and enterprising; fourth, our commercial ship-building would follow the fate of the manufactures, and also the employment of our ships as carriers, seeing that the ships of other countries, particularly of America, would be built so much cheaper and would also sail so much cheaper. These are only a part of the consequences to be apprehended from any measure, calculated to make corn dear; but they are quite sufficient to induce me to oppose such a measure. If I am asked, how the English farmer is to contend with the French farmer, while the former has so many and such heavy taxes to pay, of which the latter knows nothing, I answer, take off English taxes, 'till the English farmer is able to contend with the French farmer; and then I'll warrant it, that we beat the farmers of France, that we undersell them, and that our manufacturers live as cheap, and sell cheaper than any manufacturers in the world. I am cicarly of mision, that texse may be taken off to show rafend without any injury to the creait, the sofety, or the peace of the country; but I must be very plain upon tais head, and expressly say, that with those who do not think that this ought to be done, I wish not to join in any petition against a Corn Bill; because I am cer tain, that it is impossible for MORE THAN ONE HALF OF THE PRESENT TAXES TO BE RAISED, UNLESS THE PRICE BE KEPT UP, ON To the High Sheriff of the County of AN AVERAGE OF YEARS, TO ABOUT 120s. PER QUARTER OF GOOD WHEAT. To reduce the taxes one half, the whole of the standing army must be disbanded; the Horse Guards must lose its brilliancy and power; the navy must come back to its state of 1788; and a vast reduction must be made in the Civil List.-I am for THESE REDUCTIONS and for NO CORN BILL. With persons who are for NO CORN BILL and are AGAINST THESE REDUCTIONS I cannot join; because it would be joining in senseless clamour and popular delusion-There is yet another point of great importance to men SIR, Southampton. other Landholders, Tradesmen and MaWe, the undersigned Freeholders and nufacturers, of the County of Southampton, perceiving, that, in various parts of the Kingdom, evil disposed or misguided persons are endeavouring to prevail on the Legislature to impose duties on theImportation of Corn, and, being convinced, that such a measure would grievously oppress the labouring classes, would be ruinous to tradesmen and manufacturers, would, in the end, be injurious to the growers of cern and the owners of land themselves, and might possibly disturb the peace of that, by an act, passed, in England, "House of parliament, or shall express "the same by publishing any printing, N. B. The letters, conveying the Re-" or overawe, both Houses, or either quisitions must be post paid; as it is not reasonable that I should be put to any expence on account of it. No. II. AMERICA.-Proofs of the real freedom of her people.-Mr. Randolph's Letter.-Triumph of Republican principles. or writing, or by any other overt act, 66 every such person shall be deemed a “TRÁITOR." Now, this is what is doing daily through the press of America, where some of the Printers are actually advising the people to resist the laws of the Congress by force of arms, and to compel the Congress and President to do what these writers say is for the good of the Our Newspapers take infinite delight country. So far are these writers and prinin speaking of the Hertford Congress, ters from apprehending any danger from the Maryland Resolutions, &c. which such conduct, that they complain that they indicate a disposition in part of the peo-produce no effect by their labours. Mr. ple of America to resist those laws, passed by the Congress, which they deem op pressive, and they found this projected resistance upon the old principle, that resistance of oppression is a RIGHT inherent in freemen.-Our Times, Courier, Chronicle, and other corrupt party papers, applaud this conduct in the discontented part of the Americans.-Fools! they do not see, that the very fact of such intended resistance being openly declared through the American press, without even a thought of it being dangerous so to do, is the greatest compliment that they can possibly pay to the American Government, and the strongest proof that they can give us of the real freedom of her press and her people.power.--There is a Mr. RANDOLPH, Fools! to tell the world so much about this openly proposed resistance, when its passing like a summer cloud, unheeded, is the sure and certain proof of the perfect freedom of the Republican Government, which, in practice, secures the right of resisting, as well as complaining of, oppression. Fools! do they not know, Madison and the Congress let them alone. If the people chose to resist; why, it is the people's affair; the measures and counsels must be changed, and all is quiet again. There can be no danger to Mr. Madison or the Members of the Congress, who gain nothing by governing the country; and who can only want to do the best for their own proper estates and liberties, in common with those of the rest of the community. Such a Government can want neither treason laws nor troops to protect it; because the people may put out the rulers, and appoint others when they please, and because those rulers have no private interest to make them regret the loss of of Virginia, who, a great partisan against the President and the war, has published a long letter to the people of America, which our Times and Courier have republished, and upon which the Times makes the following remarks, which are very interesting to intelligent readers, be cause they shew clearly the mortification 66 6 66 66 66 of these hirelings at the language which "our high pretensions at the peace. Mr. even their favourites are compelled to use Randolph, unlike most of his countryin America in order to avoid universal" men,professes to be proud of the Engexecration." A New York paper of the "'lish blood in his veins,' and to look "27th of December contains a long let- "back with pride on the names of Al"ter from the celebrated Mr. Randolph, "fred, and Bacon, and Shakspeare, "a Statesman no less distinguished by "and Milton, and Locke.' He avows, "his staunch nationality and republican-" that during our magnanimous stand "ism, than by his persevering opposition against the Tyrant before whom all the "to Mr. Madison's Government. The rest of Christendom had bowed,' he "Convention of the New England States put up fervent prayers for our success; "at Hertford, and the strong probability "but the fact which he alleges in proof "that their proceedings would terminate "of our having abandoned the high "in a dissolution of the Union, have" ground on which we then stood, and called forward Mr. Randolph as a ve- descended to the level of a jacobinical "hement advocate against a measure "hostility, is one which deserves, and "which this gentleman considers so me- "will perhaps hereafter demand some innacing to liberty. Happily for him vestigation. Let not her orators,' says "these alarms are at an end. Our Di-he, declaim against the enormity of "plomatists at Ghent have not only "French principles, when she permits signed the death-warrant of the Hert"herself to arm and discipline our "ford Convention, but have abandoned slaves, and to lead them into the field "to the vengeance of their countrymen against their masters, in the hope of "the people of Nantucket, who had "exciting by their example a general "declared for neutrality, as well as those "insurrection, and thus rendering Vir"of Maine, who had sworn allegiance to ginia another St. Domingo.' What his Majesty. We have forcibly re- grounds there may be for this charge"united States' destined,' in the pro- a heavy one it undoubtedly is-we prophetic language of Mr. Randolph, fess not to know; but we do trust it "become within the present century a "will not turn out, upon enquiry, that 'mighty nation,'-'a confederacy which have sanctioned the American trea"has already given a deep blow to cur chery of bribing our seamen to desert, "maritime pride, and threatens, at no by an example of conduct still more to distant day, to dispute with us the em- "be reprobated. In regard to the prin"pire of the occan.' It is of importance" cipal object of his letter, Mr. Randolph "that we should urgently call the atten- " is grossly inconsistent. He professes "tion of our readers, as Britons, to this" an ardent love of liberty, not jacobinilanguage-language proceeding not "cal, but of ancient English growth. He "from a promoter, but from a steady op- argues, that this liberty must perish in ponent of the war; not from an ad- "America if the present constitution be mirer, but from an open despiser of the "overthrown; and yet he tacitly admits "American cabinet. Yet even this man, "that under that constitution every spark "in the moment of actual bankruptcy "of real liberty has become extinct. "to the Government, and of impending "Atheists and madmen,' says he, 'have "dissolution to the union of the States, been our lawgivers.' The press is can triumph over Great Britain, and «under a virtual imprimatur.' augur the speedy subjection of her "' union is held together by no common power! What will he say, when he authority to which men can look up "learns that the uplifted rod of vengeance was stayed by a treaty, in which 66 86 we affected to consult only the hoOur Government is, in fact, already nour and the fair pretensions' of Ame"rica? He will not even give us credit for our liberality; for as the general tenour of his letter shews him to be con"vinced that our conduct in the war has "been mean, and dastardly, and barbarous, so he will attribute to nothing "but cowardice the abandonment of all 66 "ance America and France, has been two months in force, and we see the sea covered with American ships, the Members of the Hertford Convention will have been as completely forgotten as the insects, on which they have trodden, going to and from the place of their sittings.The triumph of republican principles is now complete in America. The press has never, in any one instance, been shackled; every one has been free to say, to write, to publish, just what he pleased, "though the country was invaded in many parts at once, and though the Houses of the Congress and President were in flames. No law for the security of freedom has ever been suspended; no restraint put upon the tongue or the pen of any man, other than the natural, the just, restraint imposed by public opinion, by a sense of shame, or by a fear of the contempt and hatred of men's neighbours. The Presi of no guards to defend them. All has been free and safe at heart, and every hostile arm at the disposal of the country for its defence against the foreign enemy. "would have held out to all the States of commerce, now preparing between "who knew how to value the gift, a liberal "and BROTHERLY ALLIANCE, such as that so eloquently sketched in Burke's "address to the North American colonists-perhaps the most beautiful and "affecting State Paper ever penned." Now, reader, do you happen to know, whether the sublime BURKE penned this "most beautiful and affecting StatePaper" before, or after, he got his pension for life of 3,000l. a year?-Fool! he wished did he, for "a brotherly alli"ance" with those states, who knew "how to value the gift." Oh ass! Insufferable fool! how will the Americans laugh at the idea of a “brotherly alli" with.... and . . . . and .. .. and .... Oh, that I could speak out! But, faith, they will speak out for me on the other side of the water. "A brotherly salliance!" I told the fool long ago, that he knows nothing of the Americans. I told him, that, whatever noise the aris-dent and the Congress have stood in need tocrats might make about a separation of the Union, they would draw in their horns, when the pinch came, and even join the rest of the people against us. It is very true, however, as this man The fool of the Times keeps harping observes, that, in the treaty of Ghent, upon the bankrupt state of the American we signed the death warrant of the Government. Oh, fool, fool! Why, this "Hertford convention;" but, so far ought only adds to the praises of the repubwe to be from lamenting this, we ought to lican system, which gets the better of all rejoice at it, seeing that that convention such difficulties; which knows no weakhad for its real object the forcing into nesses from such a cause; which, with power a set of aspiring men, who aim at or without money, pushes out its squa the debasement of their country by the drons, arms its people, and obtains peace introduction of distinctions incompatible on honorable terms. This fool has so long with republican freedom. If those men been used to talk of money as the sinews had succeeded in their undertaking, of war; to look upon subsidies and merAmerica would have become an object cenary troops and secret services as the of contempt, instead of being, what she means of defending a country, that he now is, an object of envy. The flame supposes, that the moment a government of real liberty it was the design of these is poor, the country must be subdued, vain men to extinguish. Ought we not if any one will be at the trouble of atto rejoice, that the death warrant of tacking. The fool does not perceive, that such a nest of conspirators was signed national defence, in America, is the busiby our worthy Regent? We do not like ness of the people themselves; that the conspirators at home; why ought we to President has no more to do with it, as like them abroad? The leaders of the to his private interest, than any other "British convention," in Scotland, who man; and, in short, every citizen having wanted a reform of Parliament, were something to fight for, the Commontransported to Botany Bay. The lead-wealth is defended, with all its instituers of the New England Convention, tions, laws and liberties, though there be will be merely" sent to Coventry." They not a shilling in the public treasury. may, perhaps, now and then, meet with PAINE observed very truly, that a rich a republican to spit upon them; but, government made a poor people. In that will be the utmost of their punish-America the people are rich and the goment. By the time that the new treaty [vernment poor; and that, apparently, is the state of things which that queer sort None of these addresses have yet been translated; but their general tendency may be easily inferred, from the following Answer of the King to the address presented by the Nobility of Naples. This answer also shews, that Murat himself entertains no fears as to the safety-of his throne or the independance of the nation:-" The address of the Nobility of my kindom was highly flattering to my heart; the feeling and "wishes which it expresses fully agree with my views and sentiments. Never "did the Nobility shew itself inore wor thy than on this solemn occasion, when "setting aside its own pretensions, and forgetting its ancient privileges, it has 66 " MURAT, KING OF NAPLES.-There"spoken for the good of the Sovereign can be no doubt, from the proceedings and of the State. It has spoken the on the trial of General Excelman, that language of patriotism and honour. Joachim Murat is, at this moment, re- "The Neapolitan nation will eternally garded as an enemy by the present reign- "honour the name of so many long ceing family of France. I am sorry for "lebrated families, of so many distins this, because, although I have no very "guished by late services; and my suc great liking for Kings, I consider Muratcessors will know how to distinguish to be one of the best Sovereigns that has "them, who have now, by their disinappeared in Europe for, at least, a cen- terestedness, acquired fresh glory. The tury. According to the most correct in- nobility wish for institutions which may formation, his subjects are entirely de- insure the duration of a liberal Govoted to him, and this would not be the vernment. This wish must be that case if he were a despot, or abandoned of the whole nation, and I know that it to the gratification of unratural, or inor"is so. It would have been already dimate passions, instead of making the fulfilled had not political storms im welfare of his people the chief object of "peded my views. Our first want is his care. But, however much he may "the independence of the nation. THIS te hated by the Bourbons, and by the "IS OBTAINED-it is secured by the priests, who, I have no doubt, were the "valour of my army. We may now emauthors of the late attempt to poison" ploy ourselves in the internal organiz him, Murat appears to be on the bestation of the kingdom, and all my possible terms with the Emperor of Aus- thoughts are directed to this important tria, who possesses the means of making object. Institutions suitable to our his ally be respected, should there be any" times are equally necessary for the good intention on the part of France to ques- of the nation, and for the splendour, tion his right to the throne of Naples." and security of the throne. I declare With regard to what is said about "thet it gives me less pleasure to go Joachim's designs against the Pope, no- vern, than in the midst of this people thing has appeared in a shape suficiently “whom I so greatly love, and which has authentic, to enable me to form a cor- "shewn so inuch love to me, to found a rect opinion, though I should be well regular Government, surrounded by the pleased to hear that the temporal, as well" Counsellors of the nation, to preserve as the spiritual power of his Holiness, "it from passion and error: a Governhad received an irrecoverable blow.-- ment, which will always be approved by In the midst of the dangers which "the brave Neapoliten nation, cause its threaten Murat, addresses of cangra-only object can be their happiness. If pulation are pouring in from all parts of bis kingdom, in which his not only as a Sovereign, and a Statesman, but as a man, are much, and, in my opmïon, deservedly dwelt upon. 66 66 66 the Nobility leave to their successors seat merits," the glorious character they now display, my successors will find in them, "as I do, the brightest support of the throne." |