statesman, this second Machiavel, to the a very celebrated artist of that age. He blind mistaken notions of those stupid spent much time in the construction of kings, who would fain attempt to produce clocks and watches, of which he kept a harmony among their subjects by endea- great number in constant motion, but vouring to enforce their adherence to one foun&to his mortification, after various particular set of Tenets. How absurd trials, that he could not bring any two is it to suppose we can make people of of them to equal time. This circumdifferent educations, and capacities ever stance, it is said, caused him to reflect think alike; that we can enable persons with wonder and with shame, on his own whose understandings are unequal to weakness iu having wasted so much labor, comprehend every thing with the same and been guilty of such barbarities, in facility, and to render men of various the more futile speculation of compelling ages and constitutions, capable of seeing his subjects to think exactly alike, conwith the same and perspicuity cerning the inscrutable mysteries and through the same pair of spectacles. ineffable beatitudes of our Holy Religion. If Kings and Priests were the architects If the genius of luxury and sloth, of folly of the human brain, they might with and vanity, of pride, robbery, slaughter, some justice dictate its operations; but and ambition, can ever spare the tyrants since our faculties are produced by of the present day a few moments to turni NATURE, directed by NECESSITY, and over the page of History, in order to uncontrolled by their fiat; and since they review the lives of former despots, what have no more government over their own a lesson must the foregoing relation afford minds than they have over ours, it is the them. But it seems that government is most arrogant presumption, the most the only science that is not suffered to ridiculous folly, and the most diabolical be improved by experience; for we find, tyranny, to persecute us for our opinions. notwithstanding the many useful precepts Do not our ideas of any subject depend that may be deduced from the annals of entirely on the manner in which it is the world, and the fate of nations, that represented to us, or the state of our power and profit to themselves, instead understanding to receive the impression of peace and prosperity to the people, are not all our notions the effect either are still the ruling principles of most me of our education, or the circumstances narchical and aristocratical governments. and situations in which we have been It is for this reason that they all take to placed? Who then can command opinion, themselves a State Religion for their or constrain belief? Where is the merit handmaid, in the same manner that a or the crime either of BELIEF or DIS- man takes a wife to assist him in his doBELIEF, since neither of them are in our mestic concerns. They find it a powerpower, but dependent entirely upon the fal auxiliary to arbitrary sway, in as much state of our intellects on the quality of as the priesthood of the state religion, the evidence offered to our senses? How though fattening upon the industry of the weak and childish too, is the plan of people, are mediately or immediately, promoting social tranquillity by force and dependent upon them for their appointpersecution? Is it not palpable that ments; consequently they become conveniclemency and moderation are much more ent tools in their hands to keep the public. calculated to produce harmony, loyalty, mind in acquired ignorance; and, as we and peace, than threats and imprisonment? have seen in former times, to preach The Emperor Charles the 5th was an up non-resistance, passive obedience, ambitious tyrant, and a persecuting the divine rights of Kings, the sacred bigot, who caused a system of faith to obligation of paying tythes, or any set of be prepared for Germany, and marched opinions, that may suit the Government at the head of his armies against those or their own interests.-A state religion, cities which refused to receive it. When by monopolizing all consequence, per grown old, he gave up the idle pomp of fection, and privilege to itself, naturally a court, the trumpery appendages of creates an envious distinction in society; royalty, and the false glory of a Warrior, causes its members to look upon others to spend his last days in the monastery with contempt; and, by depriving those of St. Justus, in Plazencia. One of his of their civil rights whose conscience pastimes in this solitude was mechanics, will not permit them to come within its in which he was assisted by Tarrians,] pale, necessarily foments jealousy and rers, and all those sort of persons who He discontent.-I know it is the belief of many, that a State Religion is necessary for the well being of the community, and that if deprived of it we should be reduced to the greatest anarchy and confusion. That morality is requisite to pre-houses, and dealers in religion, would be serve good order, I admit; but, at the done away with if not commanded by same time, I must contend, that a wise law, than there is to suppose than air Government might by its civil code alone, act of parliament expedient to prevent sufficiently protect the morals of the the practice of eating and drinking. people, and secure the public peace, Conventicles of dissenters are supported without requiring or compelling them to in a much more equitable way than thế conform to any particular mode of Faith. steeple houses of the state religion; On the fundamental principles of mo- they are upheld entirely by the voluntary rality, most people are agreed, because contributions of those who are pleased they are taught by experience that the with the performances exhibited there. observance of them is essential to their But while a man subscribes towards an happiness both individually and collee- Institution congenial with his ideas, is it tively; but when the innumerable chime- not a great hardship that he should be ras of faith and superstition are intro- compelled to pay tythes and rates, to duced and enforced, the flames of strife a priesthood whose doctrines he may not and contention are immediately kindled, approve, and to build, repair, and beauthe harmony of society is interrupted, tify their costly temples, although he has the dearest ties of friendship and kindred never set a foot in them. Some would often severed, all the baser passions of call this mode of conduct EXTORTION, the heart called into action; and this too a term too coarse for me to use; but I by the very systems which pretend to express my sentiments by saying, that teach'us meekness humility and brotherly the Merry Andrew who raises his booth tove. If it be objected, that morality in Smithfield during the period of Barthoalone is not sufficient to restrain the bulk lomew fair, gains his livelihood in an ho of mankind, and that certain exotic nest manner, because he only receives doctrines must be kept in vogue to facili- his stipulated price from such as are tate the government of the vulgar, I pleased with his cunning tricks, or dexwould answer, that neither the sincere trous exploits. He does not go round from nor the political lover of religion can house to house, throughout the neighbourhave just grounds to fear on that account, hood, and extort so much a head from The admirer of general piety cannot the inhabitants, merely because their for a moment conceive that steeple residence stood contiguous to his show; houses, and priests, have any thing to donor does he tell them for their only conwith morality, or that it requires pompous solation, that they might have come and ceremonies and pantomimical mummeries witnessed his juggling if they had chose. to keep the spark alive. On the contrary, It will easily be perceived, that I wish if he reflect seriously, he will agree with every man to deal where he likes best, but me, that it is much more likely to perish not to quarrel with his neighbour for beneath the weight of the innumerable purchasing the same article at another formalities, and tradesman like attentions place. Surely no fair tradesman would of a state religion. The crafty statesman presume to demand the price of his who like Strabo, a despiser of all kind of commodity from those who have not superstition for himself, yet contends that partaken of it. A state religion is a some buyers are necessary for the vulgar, institution that can only thrive under need not fear that exotic doctrines the auspices of aristocracy or kingship; would be less taught or of less effect if not it is seldom cherished in democracies. enforced by law. If he has any insight In the genuine republic of America no into the state of society, or the nature such a thing can exist, because their of man he perceives that the greater part constitution acknowledges a universal of our species must necessarily be depri- right of conscience, worship, and artizan ved of the means and opportunity of ship. This being the case, thinking for themselves, and consequently religious opinions do not disqualify him that there will always be priests, conju- from becoming a member either of the a man's 66 prefers! I have been more than once a witness of this spectacle which nothing that I had ever seen in Europe "could have prepared me to expect. "On the days consecrated to religion, "all the individuals of the same family "set out together; each went to the "minister of his own sect; and they "afterwards returned home, to employ representative or executive departments "when, in the very same house, the of government, which being composed father, the mother, the children, each of persons of all denominations, prevents" follows peaceably, and without opposithe people from having one particular" tion, that mode of worship which he system crammed down their throats; and if such a measure was attempted it would gain no stability, because the citizens of the United States possess the happy privilege of dismissing their public servants, from the lowest to the highest, at stated periods, in case they misconduct themselves; for even the head servant in that country is not, like that of some others, incapable of doing wrong or being cashiered.-To prove that this unlimited toleration is more productive of harmony than the blind intolerance of other governments, shall conclude with the remarks of Talleyrand in the same work to which I referred in the beginning of this letter. "--Inclination, or if you please, habit, "incessantly attracts the Americans to"wards England: interest does so still 66 66 66 themselves in their common domestic "concerns. This diversity of opinion "did not produce any in their feelings, or in their habits; there were no disputes, not even a question on the 66 I " subject. Religion there seems to be an "individual secret, which no one "thinks that he has a right to doubt or " to investigate. Thus, when there arrives in America, from any country of Europe, an ambitious sectary, eager to afford a triumph of his doc"trine, by inflaming the minds of men, "far from finding, as in other places, "persons disposed to enlist under his "banner, he is scarcely even perceived by his neighbours; his enthusiasm "is neither attractive nor interesting; ❝he inspires neither hatred nor curiosity: in short, every one perseveres steadfastly in his own religious opinions, and uninterruptedly prosecutes his temporal concerns. This apathy, "which cannot be roused by the most furious spirit of proselytism, and which "it is our present business to point out, "not to account for, certainly takes its "immediate rise from the perfect tolera more; for the first and most important "consideration in a new country is, * without doubt, to increase its riches. The proof of such a general disposi"tion manifests itself every where in America: we find evidence of it in every part of their conduct. The customs, with regard to religion, are "themselves strongly tinctured with it. "I will mention the result of what I "have observed in this respect; its" " connexion with my subject cannot fail to be perceived. We know that in England, religion has preserved a powerful influence over the mind; "that even the most independent philosophy has not there dared to divest itself of religions ideas; from the time "of Luther, all sects have found their "way thither; that all have maintained themselves, and that many have there taken their rise. We know the share which they have had in the great" political changes; in short, that all "have been transplanted into America, " and that some of the states owe their tion of the different sects of religion. "In America no form of worship is proscribed, no one established by law; and therefore there are no disturbances about religion. But this perfect toleration has itself a principle; which is, that religion, although it is there every where a real sentiment, is more especially a sentiment "of habit; all the ardor of the moment "origin to them. It appears, at first," is employed about the means of speedas if these sects would, after their " ily improving worldly prosperity; and "transmigration, preserve their original "hence results the chief cause of the state, and it is natural to conclude" entire calm of the Americans, respectthat they might likewise agitate Ame-ing every thing which is not, according "rica. But how great is the surprise of " to this constitution of their minds, either *the traveller, when he sees them all a medium or an obstacle."I am "co-exist in that perfect calm which, as dear Sir, your's, &c, ERASMUSPERKINS London, Jan. 30, 1815 justment of the differences subsisting between the two States, with an earnest desire on their part to bring them to a favourable issue, upon principles of perfect reciprocity, not inconsistent with the established maxims of public law, and with the maritime rights of the British Empire.' This fact alone might suffice to shew, that it ought not to have been expected that the American Government, in acceding to this proposition, should have extended its terms, and furnished the undersigned with instructions authorising them to treat with the British Plenipotentiaries respecting Indians situated within the boundaries of the United States. That such expectation was not entertained by the British Government might also have been inferred from the explicit assurances which the British Plenipotentiaries gave, on the part of their Government at the first conference which the undersigned had the honour of holding with them, that no events, subsequent to the first proposal for this negotiation, had, in any manner, varied either the disposition of the British Government, that it might terminate in a AMERICAN DOCUMENTS,-As our Government has not thought it expedient, like the free Government of America, to publish any part of the proceedings at Ghent, and as the American newspapers have not, since the commencement of the war, been delivered regularly on their arrival in this country, I have been under the necessity of laying the official documents before my readers as they reached me, without any regard to the order of their dates. This irregularity has occasioned a chasm in the publication of these documents, which I intend to fill up, as they arrive, in future numbers of the Register. It may be thought, that as the war is at end, the proceedings at Ghent have now lost all their interest. To me, however, who regard that war, its causes, the wonderful events that took place during its continuance, and the consequences it must produce, as the most astonishing occurrences recorded in his-peace honourable to both parties, or the terms upon tory, and as of the greatest importance to the cause of freedom, and the happiness of the human race. To me, who contemplate the subject in this light, no official document, however minute, that bears any reference to this glorious struggle, can appear of a trivial or unin teresting nature; far less can I consider documents illustrative of the more important topics under the discussion of the parties, as undeserving of notice. which they would be willing to conclude it. It is well known that the differences which unhappily subsist between Great Britain and the United States, and which ultimately led to the present war, were W holly of a maritime nature, arising principally from the British, Orders in Council, in relation to blockades, and from the impressment of mariners on board of American vessels. The boundary of the Indian territory had never been a subject of difference between the two countries. Neither the principles of reciprocity, the maxims of public law, nor the maritime rights of the British Empire could The Ministers Plenipotentiary and Ex-require the permanent establishment of such bountraordinary of the United States to the Plenipotentiaries of his Britannic Ma jesty "Ghent, Aug. 24, 1814. ** The undersigned, Ministers Plenipotentiary and Extraordinary from the United States of America, have given to the official Note which they have had the honour of receiving from his Britannic Majesty's Plenipotentiaries the deliberate attention which the importance of its contents required, and have now that of trausmitting to thein their answer on the seeral points to which it refers. They would present to the consideration of the British Plenipotentiaries, that Lord Castlereagh, in his letter or the 4th of November, 1813, to the American Secretary of State, pledges the faith of the British Government, that they were willing to enter into discussion with the Government of America for the conciliatory ad dary. The novel pretension now advanced could no more have been anticipated by the Government of the United States, in forming instructions for this negociation, than they seem to have been conteinplated by that of Great Britain in November last in proposing it. Lord Castlereagh's Note makes the termination of the war to depend on a conciliatory adjustment of the differences then subsisting between the two States, and on no other condition whatever. Nor could the American Government have foreseen that Great Britain, in order to obtain peace for the Indians, residing within the dominions of the United States, whon she had induced to take part with her in the war, would demaud that they should be made parties to the treaty between the two nations, or that the boundaries of their lands should be permanently and irrevocably fixed by that treaty. Such a proposition is contrary to (To be continued.) Printed and Published by G. HOUSTON: No. 192, Strand; where all Communications addressed to the Editor are requested to be forwarded. VOL. XXVII, No. 6.] LONDON, SATURDAY, FEB. 11, 1815. 161] No. II.-CORN BILL. TO THE PEOPLE OF HAMPSHIRE. The " AGRICULTURAL SOCIETY," who hold their meetings at Winchester, have framed a PETITION to Parliament for a Corn Bill; that is to say, for some law to prevent corn from being brought from abroad, until the price of English corn, is higher than it now is; or, in other words, a law to make corn dearer than it now is. This Petition they have published in the County papers, and, it appears, that they have sent blank Petitions to the several Market-towns in the County, there to be signed, for the purpose of being presented all together.For the greater part of the gentlemen, who have adopted this measure, I entertain respect; and those whom I do not know, are, I presume, equally entitled to the respect of their several neighbours. The motives, too, of these gentlemen, I suppose to be laudable.But, I am convinced, that they have taken an erroneous view of the matter, and that the measure they recommend would be injurious to the people at large and to land-owners and occupiers themselves. Therefore, if any sufficient number of persons are willing to stand forward in opposition to the above-mentioned petition, by the means of an open Meeting of the County, I shall be happy to join in such opposition. In making, however, this proposition, it will be justly demanded of me that I state the reasons, on which the opposition is to be founded; and this I shall now do in as clear a manner as I am able consistent with brevity. The Petition states, that all the expences of a farm are nearly as high as ever, and that the taxes are full as high. The latter is correct; the former is not. Our wages at Botley were from 15s. to 18s. a week: they are now from 10s. to 128. a week. Bricklayers, Carpenters, Smiths, Wheelwrights, have all come down one fourth in their prices. Horses [Price 1s. [ 162 have fallen in price a full third, if not |