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and ability than he possesses, to extinguish.---Proceeding northward, the affairs of Holland next meet the eye. Here, we find the most unnatural union between the Dutchman and the Brabanter: men as opposite in their pursuits, composition, and constitution as two auimals of the ... same species can possible be. An army of 75,000 troops, in the pay of England, one half our own countrymen, is in garrison in that country. Where the people are satisfied, such an army is unnecessary, and if they are not satisfied, twice the number will not make them so.-It is utterly impossible to describe the state of Germany, for here calculation is perfectly lost. Report contradicts report, in endless variety. One thing alone is clear, that the allied sovereigns, who established

the late crusade, in the most solemn

professions of the most pure disinterestedness are now adopting the very system of Napoleon, even to the expressions he made use of in that system. The ear is fatigued with the word “In“demnity,” and I was in hopes that, in common decency, it would have been left out of the vocabulary of the Allies. On

the contrary, it appears that the Vienna.

Congress is occupied, day and night, in carding out fresh “indemnities” for the

conquerors of their great prototype, the

fallen Napoleon. Russia and Prussia are said to be determined on seizing their

defenceless prey, and to possess then

selves by force of what is denied to then by reason, justice, and common honesty. Was there a single act in the whole life of the Freuci, Pauperor so base aid atrocious as theattempt attributed to these monarchs to root out the whole family of the King of Saxony? The deposition of Ferdinand of Spain, was but child's play to this.-He signed his abdication, and Joseph had a pretence at least to his throne, not only by this act of Ferdinand, but by the wil; pf at least ong half of the population of the country. But, in Saxony, the whole nation, to a usan, colleur in abhorring this tartar-like usurpation; and it never can be carried but by the loss of much human blood. The same argument precisely applies to Poland. That ill-fated C () lintry has been ever the prey to iawless violence and ambition; and the mugudmimous Alexander is accused of following, with undeviating accuracy, the bloodstained steps of his ancestor, the immor

to Catherine. But i.ey shal; I describe

the monstrous aggression which all Europe, and, I lainent to say, Great Britain also, have committed against the brave Norwegiaus. The historian will blush, when he indites the page in which he records the detestable fact, that a British Fieet blockaded the Norwegian ports, to starve that wretched country into submission to their new masters, by preventing the entry of all the common articles of necessity, even to food; and this in violation of the general wish of the whole country, expressed in the strongest manner almost by acclamation. The unind revolts at a picture like this; and Yot this is the state of peace and hap. piness which the allied Sovereigns have so poinpously sounded throughout Europe they were about to confer upon mankind. It relugins to say a few words as to our own favoured country. In the year 1792

when the heaven-born minister involved us in twenty-two years war, had any man ventured to assert, that in the year 1815, we should have incurred a debt of nearly a THous AND MII.Lions, and that the boasted “free Englishman,” should be subject to a tax by which his most secret 39ncerns were laid open to investigation, he would have been treated either as a fool, or a madman. Yet so it is, and so it will continue, unless something like the public spirit of former times is revived. The operation of corruption has been so general, that it has extended its baneful influence, more or less, in every quarter. The vile hireling press has had its full share of the mischief. Men's minds, dur. ing the continuance of the late war, were too much occupied with foreign politics, to devote sufficient of their time and attention to what was passing at home. The evil, therefore, has taken deep root, and it will require all our energies to root it up. It is a sacred duty every one owes to the country, and I cordially hope that duty may be fulfilled.


Mr. Cobb str.—I have read with pe. culiar attention an account in the Morning Chronicle, purporting to be a detail of the proceedings of the late Winchester Meeting on the subject of the Properly Tax.-I have looked this over in the most careful manner, and am of opinion, from its internal evidence, that this must be a garbied statelieut, and that Mr. Perry

has not givenitasitreally took place. I very much lament this, because in the present degraded state of the British Press, the Morning Chronicle and Statesman are the only daily newspapers in which the public has a chance of finding any thing like the truth; and if Mr. Perry, no matter from what motives, is to be induced to withhold from us any thing of importance on our side of the question, and Mr. Lovell is to be continued in his imprisonment in Newgate, no matter how or why; in these cases, the only two sources we have of genuine information will be completely shut up, and we must look to the polluted streams of the Times and the Courier, for whatever filth and falsehood they choose to cram down our throats—However, taking Mr. Perry's account (for we have no other,) to be an accurate one, I beg leave to trouble you with a few observations, that occur to me even from so imperfect an account of the proceedings of that day. The public cannot but be much indebted to you for the manly manner in which you met the question, and, without reference either to Whigs or Tories, without thinking either of Lord Grey or Lord Grenville, or Mr. Pitt's six per cent. or Mr. Fox's ten per cent. at once declaring openly and above aboard, that in the present state of our expenditure, this tax must go on, or a substitute for it be provided. The fact is, the Government cannot go on without resources to the amount which it produces. It is understood that the war with America cost upon an average a million a month. Speaking from memory only, I believe the Property Tax produced about twenty millions a year. Thus, therefore, at the first blush, it would appear that even during the continuance of the American war, this tax produced a surplus of eight millions, and that, therefore, when the war ceased, of course the Property Tax ought to cease also. But the very opposite is the fact; and although by the favourable issue of the negociations at Ghent, a very considerable saving will no doubt be made ; yet it appears to be totally forgotten, that we have an army in America of from 30 to 40,000 men, and another in Holland of nearly twice that amount. The army in America cannot be brought home for at least six months to come; and that in Belgium, I suppose, will not be brought home at all,

but remain there to take care of our friend the Sovereign Prince of the Netherlands, or whatever he is called, and to protect him and his new dominions from the apprehensions he entertains from his new subjects and his old neighbours. It seems to be totally forgotten also, that Commissary General Sir Hugh Robert Kennedy, Knight, and Commissary General Sir Charles Henry Dalrymple, Knight, and Commissary General Sir Charles Edward Eylmir, Knight, (one Scotch, one Irish, and one English, to properly represent Mr. John Bull in his triple capacity) are at present most actively occupied in, what is called according to the technical phrase of office, winding up the accounts of the Peninsula, where a sum of no less than thirteen millions, for which bills either are or will be drawn upon the English treasury, remains to be provided for. The enormous expence which must attend the bringing home of our American army; the unsettled Ordinance accounts; the charges of Transport, and various other branches of the public service, which, supposing the ratification of peace to arrive in the earliest possible time, must of necessity continue so long, that

this year will probably expire before any

effectual reduction can take place, will obviously create an expence so enormous, that not only will the Property Tax, or some other equally productive, be necessary to meet it, but a loan of at least twenty millions will be required for the service of the current year.—The trifling reduction which has taken place in the navy, can hardly be said at all to diminish our expence in that branch of service; and I am quite satisfied that the Prince Regent's week's merry making at Jubilee fair, and the feasting and dancing of the Allied Sovereigns, who honoured us with their company last Summer, will cost a much greater sum than will have been

saved by the paying off the few ships

that have been placed in ordinary. No effectual reduction has certainly taken place at home. If we except the reduction of the Militia, and a few supernumary officers of the line placed on half pay, nothing that can be called an important saving has been made. It is true, a few second battalions have been reduced. But how? Why by drafting the men to their respective first battalions; and thus the only diminution of expence is the mere difference between the full and half pay of a set of meritorious and deserving officers, who are sent to the right-about now they are no longer wanted; while all the extraordinary and expensive establishments of the Treasury, and the Horse Guards, remain untouched, and, I suppose, will be untouchable. The third Secretary of State-ship was expressly created as a mere war establishment. A variety of corps of different sorts and descriptions, such as the Royal Artillery Drivers, the Royal Staff Corps, the Royal Waggon Train, and various other similar non-descripts were all war establishments. Sir Digby Hamilton, Knight, Waggon Master General, and temporary rank Major General, was, as his very designation purports, only a war establishment. Yet this colossus, as well in size as in expence, still hovers about the Horse Guards, shedding his baneful influence in all directions. How is it possible then that the Income Tax can be dispensed with, while such tremendous draughts as these are made upon the public purse ? We begin at the wrong end. Instead of meeting to

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petition for the repeal of this tax, we

should petition for the diminution of the expence which occasions its necessity. In that case we should have reason on our side, for it is palpable and apparent that while the present most frightful expenditure is suffered to continue, it is impossible to suppose but that a system of taxation sufficiently productive must be adapted to meet it.—I remain, &c. , CIv Is.

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Hail land offreebox,-Genius there Protected, thrives beneath thy fost'ring - care, The mind unshackled, and restraints unknown; TheRights of MANarethere display'd, Of no despotic law afraid; Religion, heav'nly Maid, is FREE, And teaches pure Morality; No subtle Priests with Tyrants join'd, - Endeavour to enslave Mankind; But free in action as in word, The voice of Justic E there is heard; Who executes, with even hand, The equal laws, which Wi SDOM plann'd; May thy example, to surrounding Nations shewn, Hurl Priestcraft to the dust, and Despotism

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MR. Cob BEtt.—Although it may be hazardous to canvass, at present, the motives of our generous, and just allies, yet I think that their proceedings form a very prominent subject for general animadversion. Perhaps, previously to entering into any review of their conduct, it may be as well to say a few words relative to the exaggerated expectations, generally formed as to the result of the deliberations of these dignified and immaculate characters. It was eertainly imagined by a great majority of those who huzzaed and attended, from morning to night, every movement of our recent royal visitors, that every thing would be settled by them upon the fairest and most honorable basis. The applauses bestowed upon them were intended as much to reprobate the conduct of him whom fate had overthrown, as in approbation of those who had been the secondary agents of his ruin. We gave credit for their professions; we anticipated a generous and most magnanimous policy from the Liberator Alexander, and Frederick, the wise and the sedate. It is now said, however, by the Courier, the Times, and almost all our Newspapers, that a little Bondpartcan leaven is mixed, even in the composition of these legitimate Kings. There appears, say these journals, to be a singular assimulation to the political system of the recent Ruler of France in all the proceedings of the Congress. Their ideas of regal justice seem not very distant from the policy of usurpation. Aggrandisement is the word with all of them. They seem almost inclined to dispute the climax of injustice with Napoleon, and to pay as little regard as himself to the rights of their inferiors. His avdacity, they add, is wanting ; but his rapacity is not left far behind. I have often heard it remarked, that the views of Buenaparte completely identified him with the legitimate and hereditary soveJe'gns . the day. ... He was as fond of governing imperiously, as careless of the rights and welfare of his subjects, and the rights of his neighbours, as if his anrestors had sat for centuries on thrones, and the sceptre had descended to him from some ancient robber, instead of li wing been forcibly grasped by the rude

in no slight degree to confirm the opinion
which so many, entertain upon this sub-
ject with myself, that the only monarch
who has uniformly been the decided ene-
my of Napoleon, remains the victim of
his sincere hostility, without exciting either
the friendly commiseration, or the notice
of those monarchs to whom he set the
first example of resistance and resolution.
I am not justifying his conduct; he was
too fond of war, and perhaps deranged;
but God knows if these are just reasons
for the deposition of legitimate kings, the
“decks would soon be swabbed,” of half
the regal list of former times. The person
I allude to is Gustavus of Sweden, who
has lost his own kingdom in the cause for
which ourselves and our magnanimous
allies pretend to have been fighting—the
restoration of the old order of things on
the continent. Now, Sir, has not this
Gustavus, a much greater right to claim
“indemnity” than any of thcm 7 And
would it not do more credit to the charac-
ter of the Russian Autocrat, to set the
crown of Poland upon the head of Gus-
tavus, than to pocket it himself, or give
it to his brother It was my intention
to have seriously canvassed the claims of
Russia to Poland; but, really, Sir, it would
be paying them a compliment which they
do not deserve. Reason need not com-
bat the principles that have no foundation
but power—no right but force. Juvenis.


Mr. Cop BETT.—The public who so greedily rejoiced, and feasted, and illuminated, and were beyond measure elated at the downfall of Buonaparte, as an event that could not fail to do for England all their hearts could desire; (in which, by the by, they now begin to see they were mistaken,) that public having suffered the late happy peace with America, which I consider to be far more beneficial to the true interests of our country and the world, to pass by without any illumination, or other more rational mode of expressing their joy, I, who am sorry for the omission, have considered what it would have cost me to illuminate on that occasion, and determined to devote that sum as far as it will go, to the purchase of your |valuable Register. By so doing, I shall materially gratify myself, pay the debt of "ratitude to those principles, whose aim

hands of a nodern one. And it seems |it has always been to bring about that

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| duced to an article securing merely an Indian pa

cification, which we have agreed to accept, subject to the ratification or rej-ction of our Government. But you will perceive that our request for the exchange of a projet of a Treaty has been eluded, and that in their last note, the British Plenipotemtiaries have advanced a demaud not only new and inadmissible, but totally incompatible with their uniforin previous declarations, that Great Britain had no view in this negociation to any acquisition of territory. It will be perceived that this new Pretension was brought forward immediately after

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| anticipated from the success of their arms, during

| May last, the opening of the Congress appear.

to *counts

- or

o - out a * possession of all to * - of Massachusetts, situate East of Peño insi. The British Plenipotentiaries have invariably referred to their Government every note received from us, and waited the return of their messenger before they have transmitted to us their answer; and the whole tellor of the correspondence, as well as the tuanner in which it has been conducted on

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the part of the British Government, have concurred to convince is, that their obj ct has been delay; their motives for this policy we presume to have been, to keep the alternative of peace or a protracted war in their own hands, until a general ariangeinent of European affairs should be accomplished at the Congress of Vienna, and until they could avail themselves of the advantages, which they have

the present campaign in Atherica. Although the Sovereigns who had determined to be present at . tile Congress of Vienna have been already several weeks assembled there, it does not appear by the last advices from that place that the Congress has been forinally opened. On the contrary, by a declaration is on the of the Powers, who were parties to the peace of Paris of 30th

to have been postponed to the first of November

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