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Hke other princes, is invested with a two-fold to racter, namely, of sovereign pontiff, and of emporal sovereign, and has given repeated evidence that he cannot, by virtue of this second qualification, enter upon engagements which would lead to results inilitating against his first and inost importa t office, and injuring the religion of which he is the head, the propagator, and the avenger. His holoss, therefore, cannot enter into any of— seas we and defensive league, which would, by a permanent and progressive system, drag him into hostility against all those powers upon which his majesty may think proper to Like war; since the Italian States, now dependent upon his majesty, can never avoid taking part in such wars. His holiness would consequently be obliged to become a party in them by virtue of this league. Such an engagement must begin to be acted upon by the pope from this moment, and against any Catholic prince ; thus waging war against him without a motive. Farther, it must be waged against all those powers, whether Catholic or not, who may, upon whatever grounds, be the enemies of any Italian prince. Thus is the head of the church, accustomed as he is to rule his estates in peace, driven in a moment to a state of warfare, offensive against hostile powers, and defensive of the others. This engagement is too repugnant to the sacred duties of his holiness, aud too injurious to the interests of religion, to be entered into by the head of that religion. His holiness feels that it would be a dereliction of truth to enter into the league; he would announce, by such a resolution, his refusal of any accommodation, any peace with the emperor, and would even declare hostilities against him. How could it ever be supposed, that his holiness should be capable of declaring war against any power He has long been enduring the most hostile treatment, and is therefore prepared to endure the threatened loss of his temporal do

of his holiness' intentions, and the world will judge if it was possible to have conceived so extraordinary a scheme. Ardently desiring to compromise, ar. to be in peace with his majesty, he manuested in his note of the ssh of January last, his compliance, as far as it was possible to comply ; his maJesty, however, does not practise all those condescensions, which he might practise towards the holy see; he persists inflexibly in demanding what his holiness neither can nor will accede to, namely, in binding him to a war, and to a perpetual and aggressive war, under the pretence of securing the tranquillity of Italy. What can Italy have to seas, if his holiness should not enter into

the proposed league 2—Sorrounded as the papal dominions are by those of his majesty, no rational fear could be entertained but of the ports; yet his holiness having offered to shut them, during the present war, against the enemies of France, and to guard the coast, he thus proposed to contribute, as far as was in his power, without betraying his sacred duties, to the security and tranquillity of Italy. If, in spite of all this, his majesty shall take possession, as he has threatened, of the papal dominions, respected by all, even the most powerful monarchy, during a space of ten centuries and upwards, and shall overturn the government, his holiness will be unable to prevent this spoliation, and can only, in bitter affliction of heart, lament the evil which his majesty will commit in the sight of God; trusting in whose protection, his holiness will remain in perfect tranquility, enjoying the consciousness of not having brought on this disaster by imprudence, or by obstinacy, but to preserve the independence of that sovereignty which he ought to transmit, uninjured, to his successors, as he received it; and to maintain, in its integrity, that conduct which may secure the universal concurrence of all princes, so necessary to the welfare of religion. For this fidelity to his sacred duties, his holiness will receive consolation from the words of his divine master—“Blessed are they who are persecuted for righteousness' sake."— With respect to the article relating to the dismissal of the cardinals, his holiness, in the complaints alledged, had no need of examining the principle of their allegiance. Presuming on that freedom which the rights of nations allow to every man, to live under that sky which is most congenial to him; presuming on that new allegiance acquired by the domicile of many years, his holiness remarks, that primitive allegiance cannot avail against the sacred obligations undertak

en by the cardinals in the church of God, minions.—Heaven is witness of the purity

the oaths they take on receiving the purple, and their eminent office of counsellors to the sovereign pontiff in his spiritual concerns; and that, therefore they cannot be torn from his bosom.—With regard to the cessation of the functions of the legate, and to his departure, his holiness could hardly have expected that they would have been attributed to the motives assigned in M. Champagny's note. His holiness will repeat them once more. After having tried every method to recal his majesty to his previous sentiments towards the papal see, and to concert the desired reparation of so many religious innovations; after having endured, for such a length of time, with unsubdued patience, ind with unaiterable meekness, so many outrages and insults; after having seen how fruitless were all the remonstrances urged against the hostile proceedings of the French; after having peaceably borne the humiliation of imprison.nent; and seeing these insults, these contempts, these violations, increase with every hour. his holiness found it necessary, though with the deepest regret, to determine on the recal of his legate in order to overthrow, at least, in the face of the world, the false and scandalous opinion that whatever might occur, even the most flagrant wrongs, would receive his tacit consent.— —!n this very recal, the precise period of which could not have been anticipated by his holiness, he professed, along with those constant affectionate regards which he entertained for his majesty, that could he but consent to the demand of the evacuation of Rome, and be satisfied with those conces

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cise his functions.—But his majesty proved inflexibie, and instead of receding a single step, preferred the discontinuance of the legation, and the departure of the pontifical representative.—It is not, therefore, his holiness, who by this hypothetical recal of his legate, has declared war against the emperor; it is the emperor who chooses to declare war against his holiness ; and not content with declaring it against his temporal sovereignty, he threatens to raise in his spiritual, a wall of division between the catholics of France and the sovereign pontiff, in the as surance, according to M. Champagny's note, that the cardinal legate having given up his functions, the G.]lican church resumed its doctrine in all its integrity.—His holiness has too good an opinion of the illustrious clergy of France to doubt that the Gallican church, however jealous of its prerogatives, is yet so attached to the chair of St. Peter, that it will maintain itself unshaken in its true principles, without asserting rights, which it does not and cannot possess; nor become schismatic, by separating itself from the catholic unity —it is not then—the repetition is important – it is not his holiness who sceks the rupture. A pacific prince, notwithstanding he was obliged to witness the spoliation, indefiance of all right, of his states of Benevento and Ponte Corvo ; notwithstanding his enormous expense of maintaining French troops; notwithstanding the usurpation of his capital, the usurpation of almost all his sovereign rights; notwithstanding the violent dismissal of so

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many spiritual persons, composing his holy senate; and notwithstanding all the otber acts, by which his dignity has been degraded, all that his holiness did was to command his people when the French army entered Rome, to shew it respect; all that his holiness did was to receive it in the most hospitable manner, and implore of his majesty, in the mean time, relief from so many aggravated evils ; and all that his holiness now does in this extremity is, to mourn between the vestibule and the altar, invoking the pity of heaven upon his people, and that by a return to better counsels, the most potent em. peror Napoleon will not suffer the inheritance of the Roman see, given by providence to the head of the catholic church in full enjoyment, to be lost and rooted out.— Thus has his holiness made war ! Thus has he conducted himself to the present hour towards his majesty, however distressing and unfortunate has been the result. Still his holiness will cherish the hope that his majesty, rejecting the counsels of the enemies of the holy see, who have had recourse to every art to change his disposition, will revert to their former friendly correspondence, and be satisfied with the concessions made in the note of the 28th of January. If, by the h 'den purposes of the Most High, this should not take place, and his majesty regardless of his own glory, and deaf to the calls of justice, should put his threats in execution, and take possession of the states. of the church by right of conquest, overturning the government in consequence, his holiness will be unable to remedy such fatal occurrences, but he solemnly declares, that: the first will not be a conquest, as his holiness is in peace with all the world, but will be an usurpation (nole violent than history can furnish ; and the second will not be the result of conquest, but of that usurpation. He declares, at the same time, that it will not be the work of political genius and illu mination, but an awful visitation of the God from whom all sovereignty is derived, and especially that given to the head of the church.-Bowing, in that event, with profound adoration to the decrees of heaven, his holiness will find consolation in reflecting that the creator and redeemer willed these things, and that all concurs to accomplish his purposes when his appointed time arrives, —This is the answer which the undersigned is commanded by his holiness to give to the note of M. Champagny, and to communio cate to your excellency.—CARDINAL GA: BRIELI. I.

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“The commotion, more of less violent, which has taken place in the whole peninsula of Spain, has been “ct eminent service to awaken us from the state of letbargy in which we indulged; to make us acquainted “with our rights, our glory, and our duty towards our holy religion and our king. We wanted some elec“ the stroke to rouse us from our paralytic state of inactivity. We stood in necd of a hurricane, to clear the

“onosphere of the insalubrious vapouis with which it was loaded."—Adoness of GENeral Morla to

the People of Cadiz, June 15, 1808.

97] SUMMARY OF POLITICS. SPAN1sh Revolution From what His been published under official authority, there app. ars good reason to hope, that the French army under General Dupost has been worsted, if not made prisoners of war, by an unconditional surrender. This event, if it should have taken place, together with the unconditional surrender of Roily's fleet, at Cadiz, will have a wonderful effect upon the minds of men both in France and Spain, and, indeed, in every other part of Europe. But, auspicious as these events must be conside, ci, I derive less satisfaction from them, thin from the soloents expressed by the revolutionists, and the evident mori eject, which the otest is producing, and has already produced in Spain. Amongst ther. gulations, contained in the edict, issued by the revolutionary goornment, for calling forth the exertions of the people, one is, that all the people, wo. men as well as men, of whatever rank they may be, who are not employed in nolitary service, shall assist in getting in the harvest, with the exception of such women as are *d, or infirm, or of weak constitutions, * these are called on to employ them. selves in preparing lint and !andages for the * of the hospitals. What a change what a train of new and noble ideas must be created! What a sweeping and fatal scythe * luxury and all its en less train of vices: - Smash, all to atoms, go the fashions and follies of the cities. The swarms of players, buffoons, musicians, makers of file hair, false eyes, false teeth, false shoulders, and false breasts; the pimps, parasites, bawds ; the toad-eaters, whether in red, blue or black. The whole of this numberiess swarm ***Persed; are driven, by the first rustle the storm, from the fruits upon which they were gorging; and, are compelled either to Jight, or to help to get in the hartest. If this be not a revolution, I want .*how what the word revolution means. When the air is foul and unwholesome, * qualities arise from its being full of *s-creatures; and, as General Morla

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well observes, when this is the case, a hurricane is necessary. As to any hope of the French being resisted without a total change of the government, and even a very considerable shifting of property, it is downright folly to entertain it. Already is there a paper-money, and a scheme for selling part, at least, of the property of the church. If this be the case before the contest is well begun, what must take place before it be ended ?—The Courier newspaper, of the 15th instant, has an article upon the subject of Spain, which demands particular notice. The Morning Chronicle, of the soai- 'y, contained the following paragraph : “We cannot contemplate this pro“ject of an attack on Austria without dread, “ when we think of the debasing rejudives, and del oitating system of the court “ of Vienna. All their sufferings have not “ served to open their eyes to the impolicy “ of their principles of government. May “ we cherish a hope that in this, the extre“ mity of their fortune, they will make a

‘ virtue of necessity, and legin bu giving to

the people a country for which to fight.” —This is, surely, very sound doctrine.

Nothing can be more reasonable ; and, experience, to kings woeful experience, has

proved, that not ong can be more true. Yet,

does the Courier take great offence at it ;

and, as if it, or its masters, were a party

deeply interested, flies in a passion, and falls into the foulest of misrepresentation

and abuse. “ This, it will be remem“ bered,” says the Courier, “was the dis“gusting and detestable language of a fac“tion at the beginning of the present war. “According to them Britons had nothing to fight for.—Notting fighting to avoid subjugation by Buonaparté was fighting for nothing!! It was by such abominabic language and doctrines circulated in

Germany by writers styling themselves philosophers, who endeavoured to philosophize mankind into an indifference to country, constitution, and climate, to make them look upon themselves not as citizens belonging to a particular State,

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but citizens of the world; it was by such doctrines that Germany was reduced to that state of apathy in which Buonaparté found her, and which rendered her so easy a conquest. The Germans were in love with the works of their philosophers, they were a reading nation, they called themselves enlightened—the governments under which they lived were old, many of them had great defects; defects which these philosophers magnified and enlarged upon, to convince the people that no change could place them in a worse situation than that in which they were. The people believed, and no where did we find any vigorous efforts on their parts to resist the French. The people believed, and what has been the consequence' — they thought they had nothing to fight for, and they have found that their former situation, under even the worst of their governments, was per

fect happiness and freedom compared with

the tyranny and eractions under which they now groan.—Oh, bitterly do they now repent their criminal apathy, and confess that the first duty of every country is to resist with all its might and means being placed under a foreign yoke

* — It is well worthy of remark, that the

true and proper feeling with respect to country and resistance to the French, has been manifested by nations supposed to be amongst the least enlightened in Europe—the Calabrian peasantry and the Spanisli people. They lived under constitutions perfectly despotic; yet when they were invaded by the French they did not listen to the Burdettites and cold calculating politicians, who told them they had nothing to fight for—they flew to arms and resistance; for they felt that no curse can be so great as being a conquered nation, and conquered, too, by the French. Yet upon the principles of the Burdett party, and of the late ministers, who say now, that the Austrian

government, before they resist Bonaparte,

“ should begin by giving the people a “ country to fight for,” the Spaniards and the Calabrians should have said, “ give us a country first, before we fight “ against those who are attempting to “ conquer it.” Among the Spaniards we saw none of these men attempting to damp the ardour and heart of the nation, by such dispiriting doctrines–No-no– they all saw that resistance against France was their first duty, and that whatever might be the defects of their government, those defects were but as dust in the

balance, when weighed against the preponderating and imperious necessity of preventing their country from falling under the yoke of France.—Doctrines and language such as those to which we have alluded, we had hoped never to have heard again ; they cannot be too deeply deprecated, they cannot be too strongly reprobated ; they are most execrable; they are the doctrines that are admirably calculated to do service to the “ enemy; make but a people believe that “ they have no country to fight for, and they are half conquered to Bonaparte's hands already." This article sets out with a falshood, which has been a hundred times refuted, but which has still preserved its malice in the breast of the foul propagator, though he himself has experienced a change of place. With respect to the Germans being now in a worse situation, than they were in under their former government, that is a point upon which men differ ; but, supposing it to be granted to this outrageous assertor, he forgets, that men will very willingly suffer much themselves, in order to bring suffering upon their oppressors; and, he also forgets, that the sufferings of the Germans, though we were to allow them to be more acute, are not so firmly settled, and so likely to be permament, as they were before. The hurricane as General Moria says, was necessary ; and, tiongh there be a sort of pause, the hurricane is not yet over in Germany. If the Germans should, by and by, rouse them. selves, shake off the yoke of France, and, which will follow as a matter of course, establish freedom in their country, will the Courier deny, that the French invasion was a good thing for Germany We are next desired to bear in mind, that it has been only amongst those who were the least enlightened, and who lived under governments the most despotic, that the French have met with any thing like manly resistance; which is a pretty broad hint, that it is best for people to be kept in this state. The Calabrians and Spaniards, we are told, “ did not listen “ to the cold calculations of the Burdettites; “ they flew instantly to arms and resistance; “ for they felt, that no curse could be so “ great as being a conquered nation; yet, “ upon the principles of the Burdett party, “ they should have said: “ give us a coun“ try to fight for, before we fight against “ “ those who are attempting to conquer “ “ it.” No, Sir, there would have been no sense in their saying this ; for, though, seemingly, you would wish the world to forget the very important and valuable fact,

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they had a country to fight for, before they drew a single sword from the scabbard. Before they drew the sword, their contro was left to themselves ; they had neither king nor prince; and, in the case of Spain, so far from having a sharer in their country, they took up arms to do fend it for themselves, ag inst the declared wiłł, and in defiance of the connands of the sovereign, whose authority, until then, they had implicitly obeyed. The Burgettites would not have been so foolish as to say: “ give the “ Spaniards a country to defend.” They kad got a country. They had it entirely in their own hands. If its government was bad, it was their own fruit. They had a country, and, therefore, they took up arms to fight. No, Sir. It was not because the Calabrians and the Spaniards were under the most despotic governments; this was not the cause of their taking up arms in resis. tance to the general invader ; it was from a cause of precisely an opposite nature , it was because, they felt that they might, by fighting, now obtain their freedom. Their

shackles had been, all of a sudden, broke::, or, rather, they had been let loose through the imbecility of their masters. They once more felt the use of their lin,bs; they tasted the sweets of freedom, and they were re.:dy to die rather than again become slaves. No, Sir, I pray you look not in the Spanish revolution for a compliment to des. potic government. While that government existed, not a noble deed or a noble sentiment did any man ever hear of in Spain, formerly so renowned for her valour. The French troops came unresisted to Madrid : the French fleet domineered in Cadiz ; the people, in all parts of Spain where the French appeared. gave up their dinners to feed and their coats to cloth, those very roops, whom, since that government has ceased to erist, they have been preparing to fight to extermination. No, Sir, we must not suffer you to persuade your readers, that the most effectual way of rendering a country invulnerable against the French, is to make its government despotic. This is a very pernicious doctrine, however well it may suit your purposes to promulgate it, and however palatable, to some persons, it might be. We contend, that the Spaniards are now free men, fighting for the preserva. tion of their freedom ; we hear them declaring, that the Cortes, or real representatives of the people, shall be restored ; that there shall be a reform of the abuses, existing under the late government, which they term “... base and infamous ;" we, thereforé bear

- - - | tly wish them success. But, you obstimately t

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persist in considering them as moved to action by the principles of despotism, and as having in view no other object than the preservation of that despotism. Napoleon, for once, outwittcd himself. He should have suffered the king to remain in the country, and brought in his brother softly, without any interregnum. He should have suffered no cessation of the despotism. The new master should have come ib. before the old one quitted the house. There should have been not a moment's suspension of the use of the rod. When a German birdcatcher sells you one of the poor little creatures whom he has enslaved, he takes a special care to put him out of his hand safely into yours; but, king Charles, as if he had meant to defiaud his “ intimate “friend," Napoleon, let the bird fly, and left his intimate friend to catch him and tame him again. The bird, desighted with the enjoyment of his native freedom, has hitherto withstood all the temptations of the decoy at Bayonne, though the old birdcatcher has lent it his assistance; and, Napoleon, in a rage, has sent out his marksmen to destroy what he fears he cannot possess. No, Sir, you will never persuade the world, that the energy, the wisdom, the bravery, now displayed in Spain, are the frtiit of despotic government. I can easily conceive reasons for your wishing to cause this to be believed ; but, in this, at least, you make up your mind to a complete want of success.--—“ Make a people but believe, “ that they have no county to fight for, “ and they are already half conquered to “ Buonaparié's hands.” Make a people believe, Sir : Why, do you think it possible to make a man believe that he is cold when he feels the sweat pouring down his forehead 2 if the belief was produced, in Germany, for instance, by artificial means, had not the government the use of ample means where with to counteract the philosophers It was done by printing, was it 2 And cannot governments employ the press, Sir ; cannot they keep hireling writers and hireling printers in their pay; cannot they expend a considerable part of the taxes for the purpose of producing a belief in the public mind Had the philosophers of Germany greater powers of this sort than the several governments had 2 No, Sir, “ phi“ losophy,” as Sir Francis Bardett observed, in the House of Commons, some years ago, “ has no such triumphs to boast of ; revolutions have been the work of oppressive governments, of tyrannical or misguided “ princes, and corrupt ministers.” Philosophy, real philosophy, aided by the press,

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