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see, by the detail below, that they are not qui e so insignificant as the writer in question asserts them to be; and, the public, who have now, for the first time, an opportunity of forming an opinion upon the subject, will easily guess, from a perusal of the Act of Parliament, inserted in another part of this sheet, whether I have over-estimated the value of the immense grant of Crown Lands, described, set forth, and alienated, for ever, from the public, by that Act, which was amongst the last of the famous deeds of the Pitts. But, a word or two are necessary here, upon the nature of the proprietorship of the lands and houses and mills and manors in question. They are, improperly I think, called

Crown Lands." The kings of England formerly had no other income, for the maintenance of themselves, their families, and regal establishments, but what arose from the Crown Lands and other sources of a similar, or nearly a similar, nature.. But, the present king, in lieu of this source of income, and, in compensation for it, has had a certain sum annually paid to him out of the mass of the taxes, which sum, if we take into view the occasional additional grants by parliament, has, I believe, upon an average, amounted, for some years past, to upwards of one million of pounds sterling a year. Now, in consequence of this new mode of maintaining the king and his family, the sources, whence before he derived the means of such maintenance, canie, of course, into the hands of the public; and, accordingly, one source of the public revenue now is, the Crown Lands, which, as the reader will, I think, be of opinion with me, ought now to be called, Public, or National, Lands. Much depends upon names; and, this very explanation has been rendered necessary only because the Lands in question are not called by the name here suggested; because, from the name of Crown Lands, the reader might be led to suppose, that the grant to the Duke of York affected merely the property of the king.—From this account of the proprietorship of the thing granted, it is clear, that the alienation is from the people, and not from the king.

As to the worth of the manors, lands, and messuages, let the reader look at the things granted; let him consider where they lie; let him take into view the value of things of the same sort in the same neighbourhood; and, then, let him say, whether my estimate be exaggerated. Indeed, I have not put it at more than onefourth of what I have heard the possessions estimated at.- -I shall be told, that the Act provides for a "valuable consider

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ation" to be paid by the Duke; and, when I see this consideration brought to account; when I see it amongst the items of national income, then I shall be able to judge of the proportion which it bears to the real value of the things granted. The amount of this "consideration" is to be fixed by the officers of the Crown-Land revenue; that is to say, by persons appointed by the Crown. If, indeed, these domains had been publicly offered for sale, and the Duke of York had been the highest bidder; then the matter would have been different, especially if we had seen "the valuable consider"ation brought to account.This is "Oatlands," as the writer above-named would have us believe, but certaia makors, &c. &c. in the neighbourhood of that seat, which, in itself, is, comparatively, a very insignificant thing. This grant is a grant, in the fee-simple, in full, complete, and absolute right, of large estates, in the most valuable part of England; in a part where one acre of land is, upon an average, worth as much, probably, as ten, if not twenty acres, of common farming land in Norfolk or Suffolk. The value cf such a giant must be immense; and, as to the payment of "the valuable consideration," it is to be observed, that, unless such payment has been actually made, it dos not appear what security the public bas. seeing that the Act is of itself a complete title of possession. It appears to me, the the domains, or any parcel of them, may now be disposed of to any individual wha ever. I do not say, that no payment, is any degree, is intended to be made; but, as to the ability to make such payment, or, at least, any thing like full payment, in any reasonable space of time, we may surely be permitted to doubt, when we see it stated, in the reports laid before parliament, that, in the year 1801, just three years before the grant was made, advances had been made to the Duke of York, out of the public money, to the amount of" fifty-four "thousand pounds, which is to be repaid by instalments of one thousand poundi

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quarterly, from the first of January one "thousand eight hundred and five." Thus, here was not only a loan, which the Duke. only three years previous to the grant, found it necessary to obtain from the minister, but here was to be four years before any repayment of that loan was to take place, and then it was to be so slow a repayment, as to amount to little more than the interest upon the principal sum, reckoning the ac cumulation from 1801 to 1805, the payment of no interest upon the principal having,

according to the report, been provided for by the minister who advanced the money. It was, however, under these circumstances, and before any part of this borrowed money had been, according to the report, repaid, that, under the Pitts, in 1804, the grant, which we have been speaking of, was made to the Duke "for a valuable consideration." --- I will now state the several items of the income, which the Duke of York derives from the Public, taking the military income at the acknowledged amount of the writer, who has thought proper to contradict the statement, which I made at Winchester.

Pension to the Duke and Dutchess of York, granted by parliament.... S Pension to the Duke of York, granted by writ of Privy Seal... To the Duke of York, as keeper and lieutenant of his Majesty's forests, parks, and warrens of Windsor...

To the Duke of York, as holder of the Swainmote courts in Windsor forest....

As a colonel of the foot guards....
As colonel of the 60th regiment..
As commander-in-chief...
Interest upon fifty-four thousand
pounds, borrowed as above.

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£39,858 16 7

Of these items no man will venture to deny the correctness of any one. Yet, did this impudent writer assert, that the Duke of York derived not a farthing of profit from any of his offices about the forests or parks, except the worth of a little venison from the New Forest. Is such a man to be believed? Either he spoke from authority, or he did not; if not, his statement relative to the colonelship and the commandership-in-chief is the result of mere conjecture; if he did speak from authority, which can hardly have been the case, then that authority taught him to lie. My belief is on the side of the former; because, no one acquainted with the real truth of the case, would have thought it prudent to deny, in such broad terms, that the Duke of York derived profit from his forest and park offices, when he must have known, that the fact, to the contrary, was not only upon record, but was within my reach. I, therefore, retain my former opinion, with respect to the value of these two posts, and that opinion I shall retain, until I see something to satisfy me to the contrary. When the reader has gone through the act of parliament, making the grant of lands, &c. part of which Act must, I am afraid, be reserved till my next, he will be able to judge, whether I overstated the annual worth of that immense estate; and,

when he considers, that, within the last five or six years, the Duke has received from twenty to thirty thousand pounds out of the Droits of Admiralty, that is to say, out of the amount of captures made at the public expense, he will, I think, be of opi nion, that I greatly understated the income, which the Duke of York has derived annually from the public purse.

SPAIN. The bulletins have begun, and I am sorry to say, that there is but too much reason to fear, that they will proceed, in the usual strain, until the whole of Spain be subdued to the will of Napoleon. This fear, however, is only a conditional one; for, unless the junta, or those who have the management of the affairs of Spain, intend, if they succeed, to restore the people to their liberties, which necessarily includes the redress of thousands of grievances, I cannot say, that I fear, because, I hardly know what to fear, or what to hope. I wish the French to be beaten, and especially when engaged with our own troops. Let the consequence be what it may, I cannot help wishing that; but, really, it is, with me, matter of doubt, whether it would be finally better for my own country, all things considered, that King Ferdinand should be restored, without any change of things in Spain, than that Joseph Buonaparte should be placed upon the contested throne. There are great evils to be apprehended in either case; and, so nicely do they appear to me to be balanced, that I hardly know which to choose. Therefore, while I hear the Central Junta talk about their "beloved Ferdinand," who gave up the sword of Francis I, and say not a word of a reform of the manifold abuses of what the Junta of Seville denominated the "late infamous government"; and, especially while I hear them issuing decrees against what they, in the language of most other persons in power, call "the licenliousness of the press ;" it will be impossible for me to feel much anxiety about the result of the contest, except as far as our own army or navy may be concerned. What had they to do with the "licentiousness of the press?" Their time should have been employed in preparing to meet the French. There was no talk about the licentiousness of the press till the French were driven out of Madrid; till Joseph seemed to have given the thing up; till the danger appeared to be over. Then, and not till then, the provisional rulers of Spain began to think that the people talked too freely, and might go too far with their revolutionary doctrines. Alas! it was precisely this that was wanted, as I think will, when too late, be discovered by the Central Junta.

HAMPSHIRE NOMINATION.I am assured, by a gentleman, upon whose word I can rely, that MR. HEATHCOTE, on the day of nomination, did, in answer to Mr. Barham's question, whether he would move for, or support, a motion for another mode of Inquiry, if the present was not satisfactory, say, "the only answer I shall give to such question, is, that, upon this and all other "occasions, I shalke happy to receive the instructions of my constituents." I did not, myself hear any answer from that gentleman; but, it seems, that, owing to being pressed out from the window, whence he had before spoken, he went to a window further off, and thence spoke to the foregoing effect. There was, in the statement that I made to the meeting, respecting places and pensions, held by members of parliament, one error, which the reader will find explained, in a letter to the Editor of the SALISBURY JOURNAL, a copy of which letter he will find below.Upon a report, which, from what motive I am at a loss to guess, has been widely propagated, that I did, at the time above-mentioned, promise, that, in the event of a contest, I would give my vote for Mr. Heathcote, I will only observe, that I never made any promise, of any sort, to either of the candidates, and never made any offer, except that which I made in the hearing of all the freeholders assembled.I then stated the only condi tion, upon which I thought it not disgraceful to pretend to vote at all. That condition was complied with by neither of the candidates; and I can truly say, that whether my cherries be eaten by a magpie or by a jay, is a question of full as much importance with me, as is the question, whether Mr. Heathcote or Mr. Herbert, be elected in the place of Sir Henry Mildmay; nor is it with a small degree of satisfaction that I perceive the thing to be viewed in the same light by hundreds, nay thousands, of respectable men in the county.

MAJOR HOGAN does not yet answer, nor any one for him. He certainly stands, therefore, convicted of a falsehood; a most base and malignant falsehood; and, be stands convicted, too, by that press, to which he himself had resorted. Thus, and it is so in every instance, where a free scope is given to discussion, the truth finally prevails; and the promulgator of falsehood is punished, in the best of all possible ways, without any recourse to the law. A correspondent laughs at me for being the "dupe of Major Hogan." He may as well. laugh at a jury and judge for being the dupes of a perjured witness, whom, from his tes

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timonials of character, they are induced to believe. Who was to suspect, that a man, who produced such a recommendation from a person like GENERAL OGILVY, would commit to writing and to print, a statement such as that about the bank notes, without having a shadow of foundation for it? I suspected, and could suspect, no such thing.

Another correspondent laments, that the pamphlet will now have an effect the contrary of what it was intended to have. The fact will certainly be so; but, it is not a proper subject of lamentation. It ought to be so. Infinite is the advantage, which, in hundreds of instances, I have derived from the lies which have been published against me; and I am not so unjust as to lament that another should derive advantage from a similar cause.

Alresford, Dec. 8, 1808,

N. B. I did not recollect the state of the Volume, when, last week, I promised a double number. The last number of the Volume must be a double one, on account of the TABLES, TITLE-PAGE, &C. and, 25 the whole of each Volume is to contain no more than 33 sheets, there can be but one more double sheet in the present Volume.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE SALISBURY
JOURNAL.

Botley, Dec. 6, 1808. SIR,-In your paper of the fifth, under the head of Winchester, I find the following paragraph, relating to the statement, made by me, at the late county meeting, held in that city." We are desired, from the "most unquestionable authority, to inform our readers, that Lord Fitzharris bas not, as was lately asserted at a public "meeting, a reversionary grant of £1,200

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per annum, or any other sum, after the "death of Lord Malmsbury. The pension "of £1,200 per annum, which was,

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some years ago, granted to Lord Fitzhar"ris, to commence after his Father's death was relinquished by him on his being appointed, by his Majesty, Governor of "the Isle of Wight; so that the publis purse has been relieved, instead of being "burthened, by that appointment." Now, Sir, with regard to the fact of relinquishment, I find, upon examination, that this correction is right; and, of course, that my statement, at the meeting, was erroneous. But, the fault was not mine. In the list of parliamentary placemen and pen. sioners, there is no mention made of the relinquishment of the former grant. I had seen the grant of £1,200 in a former list, and though I now find, that the relinquish

ment is stated in a subsequent list, I had not seen that when I made the statement at Winchester; and this you will readily suppose must have been the case, when you consider, that the statement was made, if not in the presence of Lord Fitzharris himself, in the presence of many of his friends, and particularly of Mr. Sturges Bourne, from whom I had naturally to look for a contradiction as to any mistatement of fact. With this explanation I should content myself, had not your correspondent thought proper to make au assertion, that the public purse has been relieved by the appointment of Lord Fitzharris, as Governor of the Isle of Wight, for life, with a salary of £1,379 a year. To make this assertion good, he must first prove, that there was an absolute necessity of keeping alive this sinecure place of £1,379 a year; and, next, he must prove, that it was absolutely impossible to give it to some military or naval officer, as compensation for real services; for, un til he can do this, it will appear to me, aud o, I trust, it will appear to your readers, that a pension of £1,200 to commence after he death of Lord Malmsbury, would cost ess than a sinecure salary, which has begun before Lord Malmsbury's death, and which is olast as long as the pension would have lasted. The exchange was one of very plain calcu ation. It was a simple question of whether Lord Fitzharris should receive, from the public purse, 1,200 a year, for life, after he death of his father; or whether he should receive, from the same source, £1,379 a ear, for life, to begin in 1807; to decide which question in favour of the latter there equired only a very ordinary degree of the nfluence of self-interest, totally unassisted y that public-spirit, that desire to spare the oor public purse, which your correspondent would fain have you attribute to his Lordhip.--" Oh, but the ministers!

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took this opportunity of relieving the public from the reversionary pension." Yes, Sir, but then, they must show us the bsolute necessity of giving this sinecure of £1,379 a year to somebody or other; and, or my part, I can perceive the existence of o such necessity. The place is, in fact, a here nominal thing, serving as an excuse or the payment of so much money, under nother name than that of pension. If there ally be any little duties of form attached it; if it have a little patronage, and if it ive a little of honourable distinction in the land; if this be the case, should not this ost be bestowed upon some meritorious ilitary or naval conimander? Would not ch a compensation be peculiarly appro

priate to such a purpose? Ought such posts to be given to persons, who have never, in any way, rendered even the most trifling service to the state, while those who have spent the best part of their lives in honourable toil, danger, and service, are by being pensioned off (if provided for at all), put upon a level with the swarm of court dependents, who are maintained as it were out of charity? To you, Sir, and to your readers, I may safely leave the task of answering these questions, while I remain, with great respect, your most humble and most obedient servant,- -WM COBBETT.

EDINBURGH REVIEWERS.

In the COURIER, the head ministerial newspaper, of the 2d instant, an article appeared, entitled " APOSTACY OF THE "EDINBURGH REVIEW." The writer, who is evidently a downright hireling, and who no more dares put his name to what he writes, than he dares, within the doors of Whitehall, to say that his soul is his own, accuses the Editors of the above named celebrated work of having, since their attack upon me, changed their sentiments as to the state of things in this country. He charges them with having now, and especially in certain passages, which he quotes, and which (because I think the public will be much obliged to me for it) I shall copy from him; he charges them with having, in these passages in particular, "sounded the

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charge of revolution, in the true spirit of "Marut and Robespierre, insisting that the "word "revolution" shall now no longer "be obnoxious to the people." This, as the reader will see, is a most vile calumny. The wretch, from whose pen it has proceeded, wishes to revive the cry of "Jacobin;' but, this last resource of guilty and trem bling peculation will avail him nought. I do think, that the Edinburgh Reviewers, from some motive of no very fair hostility, did act by me in a manner that neither publicspirit nor bare justice could warrant; but, while they did me no harm, they have, in many instances, -done the public a great deal of good, for my share of which good I feel a proper degree of gratitude; and I cannot, of course, help feeling anger against every base wretch, who attempts to throw discredit upon their labours in the way above men tioned. "Marat and Robespierre," indeed! Just as if the Edinburgh Reviewers wished to see the king and his family butchered, because they express their hope, that the time is at hand, when such a change will take place, as will put down corruptors and plunderers! Yes; every one, who is in

terested in the uninterrupted, unchecked course of corruption and peculation; every such man will regard as an assassin every gne who wishes for reform. Indeed the public plunderer bas no idea of any thing being good, which does not protect him in his plunder. When he talks of the Constitution, he means not the laws, which were made to preserve to the people the enjoyment of their rights and liberties; but that state of things, which favours his villainous views of pelf and power.I shall now insert the extracts above-spoken of, and then leave the reader to judge, whether the writers of them deserve to be compared to "Marat "and Robespierre." WM. COBBETT.

Botley, Dec. 6, 1808. EXTRACTS FROM THE REVIEW OF CEVALLOS, IN THE EDINBURGH REVIEW FOR OCTOBER LAST.

We are rather disposed at present to contemplate the effects of the Spanish struggle in the cause of civil liberty. The resistance to France has been entirely begun and carried on by the people of Spain. Their kings betrayed them, fled, and rushed with the whole of their base courtiers, to the hands of the enemy. Those who had so little of what is commonly termed interest in the country, those who had no stake in the community (to speak the technical language of the aristocracy),-the persons of no consideration in the state,—they who could not pledge their fortunes, having only lives and liberties to lose, -the bulk-the mass of the people,-nay, the very odious,,manyheaded beast, the multitude, the mob itself —alone, uncalled, unaided by the higher classes, in despite of these higher classes, and in direct opposition to them,

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well as to the enemy whom they so vilely joined, -raised up the standard of insurrection,-bore it through massacre and through victory, until it chased the usurper away, and waved over his deserted courts. Happen what will in the sequel, here is a grand and permanent success,-a lesson to all governments,- -a warning to all oligarchies, -a cheering example to every people.Suppose for an instant that the Spaniards succeed, will that gallant people quietly open the doors of the Escurial to the same herd of crowned or titled intriguers who brought them to ruin? Will they be such fools as to restore those poltroons and traitors to their former posts, and renew a confidence so universally abused? The people who have reconquered the state have a right to a fair salvage- a large share in its future management. And if all cousiderations of justice and of prudence were out of the Dibounts. 4

question, the Spanish court may be assured of this, that the feelings of our common nature-the universal sentiments of right and of pride which must prevail among a people capable of such gallant deeds, will prevent the repetition of the former abuses, and carry reform-change-revolution (we dread not the use of this word, so popular in England before the late reign of terror), salutary, just, and necessary revolution, over all the departments of the state.—Such will be the consequences of the Spaniards' ultimately triumphing. Whether Ferdinand or Charles be the monarch, we care not; or whether a new stock be brought from Germany for a breed. That they should have a king every one must admit who believes that an hereditary monarch, well fettered by the constitution, is the best guardian civil liberty. Whatever may be the form of the checks imposed upon him, we shall be satisfied, provided the basis of a free con stitution is laid deep and steady, in a popular representation. Let us further recollect, that this system of liberty will grow up with the full assent, and, indeed, the active 35sistance of the English government ;-and, what is of infinitely greater importance, with the warm and unanimous approbation of the English people. And who then shall ever more presume to cry down popular rights, or tell us that the people have nothing to do with the laws but to obey them, -with the taxes, but to pay them,-and with the blunders of their rulers, but to suf fer from them? What man will now dare to brand his political adversary with the name of revolutionist-or try to hunt those down, as enemies of order, who expose the follies and corruptions of an unprincipled and intriguing administration?-We antici pate, then, a most salutary change in public opinion, from the example of Spain, should her efforts prove successful, and from the part which this country so wisely and generously takes in her affairs. The mea sures of our government will be more freely canvassed; the voice of the country will no longer be stilled; and, when it raises itself, it must be heard. Reforms in the administration of our affairs must be adopted, to prevent more violent changes; and some radical improvements in our constitution will no longer be viewed with horror, be cause they will be found essential to the permanence of any reformation in the ma nagement of the national concerns.-The alarm which the atrocities of the French re volution had raised in this country having now spent itself, the Spanish revolution places the cause of freedom and reform on a

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