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like the squadron, that went to Corfu, the advantage of making prizes of a great number of the enemy's ships, richly laden. In India, prizes to the value of 15 millions have been the result of the cruises of our frigates, one of which only surrendered, and that after a glorious contest, against a superior force.—Our cruisers, in all parts of the world, and above all in the seas of India and Guadaloupe, have proved themselves formidable to the enemy. But it is not so much with a view to what it has done, but to what it may do with time, that our marine ought to be considered. Ten ships of the

ine, constructed in the docks of Antwerp,

and fitted for sea many months since, are awaiting their destination. The flotilla of Boalogue, kept up and equipped, is still in

readiness to undertake the operations for

which it was originally created.—Twelve ships of the line, and as many frigates, have been launched within the year, and twentytive more, and as many frigates on the stocks, attest the activity of our dock-yards. Our ports are preserved in perfect order, and the creation of that of Cherbourg is so fir advanced, that its basin may be expected to be in a state to contain squadrons before the lapse of two campaigns.—Spezzia is about to become a second Toulon. The union of almost all the coast of the Mediterranean to France, secures to our arsenals and our ships, abundant supplies of provisions, stores, and men. Venice, Ancona, Naples, and all the means of Holland and Italy, are in in Otleyn. The Present IPar—At the epoch of your last sitting, gentlemen, every thing com. bined to deliver Europe from its leng agitations; but England, the enemy of the world, still repeated the cry of perpetual war, and war continues. What the is the object— what will be the issue The object of this war is the slavery of the world, by the exclusive possession of the seas. There is no doubt, that, by subscribing treaties of bondage, disguised under the holy name of Peace, nations may obtain repose; but this hameful repose would be death. In this alternative, the choice between submission and resistance could not be long doubtful.— The war which England has provoked, which she continues with so much pride and obstimacy, is the termination of the ambitious ystem which she has cherished during two Senturies. Mixing in the politics of the soutinent, she has succeeded in holding Euope in a perpetual agitation, and in exciting gainst France all the envious and jealous -assions. It was her wish to humble or desroy France, by keeping the people of the

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tion, and to arrogate to herself the exclusive possession of the seas.--But until these latter times, she paid at least some respect to the laws of nations; she seemed to respect the rights of her allies, and even, by son e returns towards peace, allowed her enemies to breatt.e.—This conduct is, however, no. longer suitable to the developement of a system which she can no longer dissemble. All who do not promote her interests are her enemies. The abandonment of her alliance is a cause of war; neutrality is a revolt; and all the nations that resist her yoke are made subject to her cruel ravages.—it is impossible to foresee what might have been the consequence of so much audacity, had not fortune, on our part, raised up a man of a superior order, destined to repel the evils with which England threatens the world.—He had also to combat the allies of that power on the continent, and to conquer the rising enemies she succeeded in creating. Always attacked, always threatened, he found it necessary to regulate his policy by that state of things, and felt that to lay the contest it was necessary to augment our forces, and weaken those of our enemies.—The emperor always pacific, but always armed by necessity, was not ambitious of aggrandizing the empire. Prudence always directed his views. It became necessary for him to relieve our ancient frontiers from the too near danger of sudden attacks, and to found their security on limits fortified by nature; finally, it became necessary so to separate France, by alliances from her rivals, that even the sight of an enemy's standard never could alarm the territory of the empire.—England, defeated in the disputes she so often renewed, profited however, of them to in arease her wealth, by the universal monopoly of commence.— She had impoverished her allies by wars, in which they fought only for her interests. Abandoned at the moment in which their arms ceased to serve these interests, their fate became the more indifferent to her as she preserved some commercial relations with thena, even while she continued at war with France.—Even France herself left to the English the hope of a shameful subjugation to the want of certain objects, the privation

of which they believe our generous popu

lation could not sort. They thought that

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if they could not enter the territory of the empire by their arms, they might penetrate its heart by a commerce now become its most dangerous enemy, and the admission of which would have exhausted its most valuable resources.—The genius and the prudence of the emperor have not overlooked this danger. Involved in the difficulties of the continental war, he ceased not, however, to repel from his states the monopoly of English commerce. He has since completed the measures of an effectual resistance. —No one can now be deceived on this subject, since the English have declared this new kind of war, all the ports of the continent are blockaded, the ocean is interdicted to every neutral ship which will not pay to the British treasury a tribute which is meant to be imposed on the whole population of the globe.—To this law of slavery other nations have replied by means of a reprisal and by wishes for the annihilation of such a tyranny.—The English nation has sepa. rated itself from every other nation. England is fixed in this situation. All her social relations with the continent are suspended. She is smitten by the excommunication which she has herself provoked.—The war will henceforth consist in repelling from all points the English commerce, and in employing all the means calculated to promote that end. France has energetically concurred in the exclusion of the monopoly of commerce; she has resigned herself to privations which long habits must have rendered more painful. Some branches of her agriculture and her industry have suffered, and still suffer, but the prosperity of the great body of the nation is not affected : she is familiarised with that transitory state, the hardship of which she beholds without fear. The allies of France, and the United States, sacrifice like her, and with a resolution equally generous, their private conveniencies. England was on the eve of the moment when her exclusion from the continent was about to be consummated : but she availed herself of the last circumstance to spread the genius of evil over Spain, and to excite in that unhappy country all the rage of furious passions. She has sought for alliances even in support of the inquisition, and even in the most barbarous prejudices. Unhappy people, to whom do you confide your destiny To the contemners of all moral obligations—to the enemies of your religion—to those who, violating their promises, have elevated on your territory a monument of their impudence, an

cal comá'unication with England—St.

affront, the impunity of which, for above, century, would bear testimony against yo: sourage, if the weakness of your govert. ment had not been alone to blame. You ally yourself with the English, who have so often wounded your pride and your indeper dence, who have so long ravished from roo. by open violence, and even in time of peace. the commerce of your colonies; who, in order to intimate to you their prohibition of your neutrality, caused their decrees to b. preceded by the plunder of your treasure, and the massacre of your navigators; who in fine, have covered Europe with proof, a their contempt for their allies, and f the deceitful promises they had may to them. You will without doubt recove: from your error. You will then gross for the new perfidies that are reserved for you. But how much blood will flow before this tardy return to your senses? To English, hitherto absent from all greaton flicts, try a new fortune on the continen They ungarrison their island, and leave

almost without defence, in the presence & an enterprising and valiant king, who com mands a French army, and who has alread: snatched from them the strong position & the island of Caprea. What then will be the fruit of their efforts Can they hop to be able to exclude the French from Spi and Portugal 2 Can the success be doubtful The emperor himself will command his in vincible legions. What a presage does to: heroic army of Portugal offer to us, whic, struggling against double its force, has been able to raise trophies of victory on the rest land where it fought to such disadvantago, and to dictate the conditions of a glorious: treat In preparing for a few strugge

against our only enemy, the emperor lo

done all that was necessary for the maints nance of peace on the continent. He mus

reckon upon it without doubt, inasmuch as Austria, the only power which could do

turb it, has given the strongest assurance of her disposition, in recallog her ambassado from Longon, and desisting from all polit

Austria had recently made armaments, b-; they took place certainly without any ho tile intention. Prudence, nevertheless, dic tated energetic measures of precaution. The armies of Germany and Italy are strength ened by levies of the new conscription The troops of the confederation of the Rhino are complete, well organized, and disco plined. - - . (To be continued.)

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Printed by Cox and Baylis, Great Queen Street; published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Coront

Garden, where former Numbers may be had: sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Poll-Mill

Vol. XIV. No. 24.] LONDON, SATURDAY, DECEMBER 10, 1808. [Pric E 10D.

Justice gives sentence, many times,
O4, one man for another's crimes.
Our Brethren of New-England use
Choice Malefactors to excuse, -
And hang the Guiltless in their stead,
Of whom the Churches have less need;
As lately ’t happen'd in a town
There liv'd a Cobbler and but one,
That out f iDoctrine could cut use,
And mend men's lives as well as shocs.
This precious brother, having slain,
In times of peace an Indian,
Not out of malice but mere zeal,
(Because he was an infidei.)
The inienty lottipotty incy
Sent to our Elders an envoy,

Complainng screly of the bleach Of league, no i torth by Brother Patch, Asainst the articles in to:ce • Between both Churches, his and ours, For which he crav'd the Nortot's to render into his hands, or hang, th' offender; But they, matuitly having weigh’d They had no more but him o' th' trade, (A man th it serv'd them in a double Capacity, to teach and cobble) Resołv'd to spare him ; yet to do The Indian Hoglan Moghan too In partial Justice, in his stead did HANG AN OLD WEAVER that was bcdrid. Hu Du BRAs.

* 97] SUMIMARY OF POLITICS. Duke of York's IN come. At the Hampshire uneeting for proposing an address and petition to the king, upon the subject of the Convention of Cintra, l made a statement of the sums, which the Duke of York annually receives from the public taxes, which statement was as follows: £. Pension to himself and Duchess 18,000 As Colonel of the Guards .... 6,000 As Commander-in-Chief . . . . 8,000 Worth of public Lands &c. granted him. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16,000 Interest upon 54,000l. lent him 2,700

£50,700 In the printing there was an error of 132,000, under the head of Commander-inChief, which, as appears from the total, as stated in print, should have been eight thouund; and not ten thousand.— In cottiadiction to this statement, which the Morning Post, I think it was, charged upon me as greatly exaggerated, another statement has oppeared. I have not the paper now at hand, but, the substance of it is as follows: That the profits of the three battalions of Guards, of which the Duke of York is Colonel, do tot exceed £3,000 a year; that his pay aid allowances as Commander-in-Chief do not exceed so,300 a year; that, for being Colo: el of the Cosh Regiment (four or five bittalions, I believe) he receives only about ... 227 a year for paper, pens, and ink : that, as to the grant of lands, which I valued so ighly, Oatlands was bought with his own money; and that, with respect to the Forest appointments, he received not one farthing, add that all he was entitled to, upon this *..are was, a portion of the venison, killed

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[808 in the New Forest, of which he is the Ranger, or Warden, I forget which. Now, as to the profits of the Colonelship, though this writer talks of a Report upon the subject before the House of Commons, it would puzzle him, I believe, to point out that report. Thirty years ago, the prosits of a battalion of 400 men, were considered worth st700 a year; and, I ask the reader if there be the slightest probability, that, taking the depreciation of money into view, the profits of 3,000 men should not now exceed £6,000 a year 2 The mere pay of the Commander-in-Chief is not the thing to be locked at. We must include the houses, the firing, the candies, the equipage of every description; because all these are paid for in consequence of there being a Commander-in Chief, who is benefitted by the use of them all, and who, while he is using them, cannot use his own. I reckon nothing for patronise, because I proceed upon the supposition, that no money, or pecu.riary advantage, in any way whatever, is derived from it ; but, it must be evident to every one, that, supposing all appointments and promotions to be inade without improper motives, such immense patronage must, in any mind of moderate munificence, supply the place of many of the purposes, for which a great pecuniary income might be wished for. It is not to purchise eatables and drinkables that a nobleton, and especially a prince, can want, or with for, money. Such a person naturaliy wishes to have power; power consists in the goodwill, or obedience to your wishes, of other men ; and, one of the other of these the almost unlimited power of advancing others in life cannot fail to insure you. With respect to the Forest offices, the “. . will 2

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see, by the detail below, that they are not qui e so insignificant as the writer in question asserts them to be and, the public, who have now, for the first time, an opportunity of forming an opinion upon the subject, will easily guess, from a perusal of the Act of Parliament, inserted in another part of this sheet, whether I have over-estimated the value of the immense grant of Crown Lands, described, set forth, and alienated, for ever, from the public, by that Act, which was amongst the last of the famous deeds of the

Pitts. But, a word or two are necessary here,

upon the nature of the proprietorship of the lands and houses and mills and manors in question. They are, improperly I think, called “ Crown Lands.” The kings of England formerly had no other income, for the maintenance of themselves, their families, and regal establishments, but what arose from the Crown Lands and other sources of a similar, or nearly a similar, nature. But, the present king, in lieu of this source of income, and, in compensation for it, has had

a certain sum annually paid to him out of

the mass of the taxes, which sum, if we take into view the occasional additional grants by parliament, has, I believe, upon an average, amounted, for some years past, to upwards of one million of pounds sterling a year. Now, in consequence of this new mode of maintaining the king and his family, the sources, whence before he derived the means of such maintenance, canne, of course, into the hands of the public; and, accordingly, one source of the public revenue now is, the Crown Lands, which, as the reader will, I think, be of opinion with me, ought now to be called, Public, or National, Lands. Much depends upon names ; and, this very explanation has been rendered necessary only because the Lands in question are not called by the name here suggested; because, from the name of Crown Lands, the reader might be led to suppose, that the grant to the Duke of York affected merely the property of the king.—From this account of the proprietorship of the thing granted, it is clear, that the alienation is from the people, and not from the king. —As to the worth of the manors, lands, and messuages, let the reader look at the things granted ; let him consider where they lie ; let him take into view the value of things of the same sort in the same neighbourhood; and, then, let him say, whether my estimate be exaggerated. Indeed, I have not put it at more than onefourth of what I have heard the possessions estimated at. I shall be told, that the Act provides for a “ valuable eonsider

ation” to be paid by the Duke ; and, when I see this consideration brought to account; when I see it amongst the items of national income, then I shall be able to judge of the proportion which it bears to the real value of the things granted. The amount of this “ consideration " is to be fixed by the officers of the Crown-Land revenue ; that is to say, by persons appointed by the Crown. If, indeed, these domains had been public's offered for sale, and the Duke of York had been the highest bidder ; then th: matter would have been different, especially if we had seein “ the valuable consider“ation " by ought to account. This is not ‘‘ Oatlands,” as the writer above-ni. med would have us believe, but certain manors, &c. &c. in the neighbourhood of that seat, which, in itself, is, comparatively, a very insignificant thing. This gran: is a grant, in the fee-simple, in full, com: plete, and absolute right, of large estates, in the most valuable part of England ; in : part where one acre of land is, upon st average, worth as much, probably, as ten, if not twenty acres, of common farming land in Norfolk or Suffolk. The value to such a giant must be immense ; and, as to the payment of “the valuable consideration." it is to be observed, that, unless such payment has been actually made, it dos ilot appear what security the public bas. seeing that the Act is of itself a comple: title of possession. It appears to me, th: the domains, or any parcel of them, ma now be disposed of to any individual who ever. I do not say, that no payment, in any degree, is intended to be made ; but, is to the ability to make such payment, or, at least, any thing like full payment, in any reasonable space of time, we may surely be permitted to doubt, when we see it stated, in the reports laid before parliament, that, in the year 1801, just three years before the grant was made, advances had been made to the Duke of York, out of the public money, to the amount of fifty-four thousand pounds, which is to be repaid “ by instalments of one thousand pound quarterly, from the first of January on: “ thousand eight hundred and five.” Thus, here was not only a loan, which the Duke, only three years previous to the grant, found it necessary to obtain from the minister, but here was to be four years before coy repayment of that loan was to take place. and then it was to be so slow a repayment, as to amount to little more than the interest upon the principal sum, reckoning the accumulation from 1801 to 1805, the payment of no interest upon the principal having

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according to the report, been provided for by the minister who advanced the money. It was, however, under these circumstances, and before any part of this borrowed money had been, according to the report, repaid, that, under the Pitts, in 1804, the grant, which we have been speaking of, was made to the Duke “for a valuable consideration.” — I will now state the several items of the income, which the Duke of York derives from the Public, taking the military income at the acknowledged amount of the writer, who has thought proper to contradict the statement, which I made at Winchester.

- £. s. d. Pension to the Duke and Dutchess of ) , . York, granted by parliameut.... : 18 000 0 0 Pension to the Duke of York, gianted by writ of Privy Seal........ To the Duke of York, as keeper and lieutenant of his Majesty's

{13000 0 0

forests, parks, and warrens of 591 16 7 Windsor... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . To the Duke of York, as holder of the Swainmote courts in Windsor 40 0 0 forest ... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . As a colonel of the foot guards.... 3,000 0 0 As colonel of the 60th regiment.. 227 o o As commander-in-chief ... . . . . . . . . 3,300 0 0 Interest upon fifty-four thousand pounds, borrowed as above.... { 2,700 0 0

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Of these items no man will venture to deny the correctness of any one. Yet, did this impudent writer assert, that the Duke of York derived not a farthing of profit from any of his offices about the forests or parks, except the worth of a little venison from the New Forest. Is such a man to be believed : Either he spoke from authority, or he did not ; if not, his statement relative to the colonelship and the commandership-in-chief is the resait of mere conjecture ; if he did speak from authority, which can hardly have been the case, then that authority taught him to lie. My belief is on the side of the former ; because, no one acquainted with the real truth of the case, would have thought it prudent to deny, in such broad terms, that the Duke of York delived profit from his forest and park offices, when he must have known, that the fact, to the contrary, was not only upon record, but was within my reach. I, therefore, retain my former opinion, with -respect to the value of these two posts, and that opinion I shall retain, until I see something to satisfy me to the contrary. When the reader has gone through the act of parliament, making the grant of lands, &c. part of which Act must, I am afraid, be reserved till my next, he will be able to judge, whether I overstated the annual worth of that immense estate; aud,

when he considers, that, within the last five or six years, the Duke has received from twenty to thirty thousand pounds out of the Droits of Admirally, that is to say, out of the amount of captures made at the public expense, he will, I think, be of opinion, that I greatly understated the income, which the Duke of York has derived annually from the public purse. - SPAIN. The lulletins have begun, and I am sorry to say, that there is but too much reason to fear, that they will proceed, in the usual strain, until the whole of Spain be subdued to the will of Napoleon. This fear, however, is only a conditional one; for, unless the junta, or those who have the management of the affairs of Spain, intend, if they succeed, to restore the people to their liberties, which necessarily includes the redress of thousands of grievances, I cannot say, that I fear, because, I hardly know what to fear, or what to hope. I wish the French to be beaten, and especially when engaged with our own troops. Let the consequence be what it may, I cannot help wishing that ; but, really, it is, with me, matter of doubt, whether it would be finally better for my own country, all things considered, that King Ferdinand should be restored, without any change of things in Spain, than that Joseph Buonaparte should be placed upon the contested throne. There are great evils to be apprehended in either case; and, so nicely do they appear to me to be balanced, that I hardly know which to choose. Therefore, while I hear the Central Junta talk about their “ beloved Ferdimand," who gave up the sword of Francis I, and say not a word of a reform of the manifold abuses of what the Junta of Seville denominated the “late infamous government"; and, e-pecially while I hear them issuing decrees against what they, in the language of most other persons in power, call “ the licen— tiousness of the press ;" it will be impossible for me to feel much anxiety about the result of the contest, except as far as our own army or navy may be concerned. What had they to do with the “licentiousness of the press?” Their time should have been employed in preparing to meet the French. There was no talk about the licentiousness of the press till the French were driven out of Madrid; till Joseph seemed to have given the thing up 5 till the danger appeared to be over. Then, and not till then, the provisional rulers of Spain began to think that the people talked too freely, and might go too far with their revolutionary doctrines. Alas ! it was precisely this that was wanted, as I think will, when too late, be discovered by the Central Junta. -

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