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who wish to know, from authentic sources, what the facts of our history are ; how our overnment really was administered heretofore; what sort of men our forefathers really were, and how they really acted; and who will not be satisfied with the vague notions which alone can be collected from historical magic lanthorns, like that of Hume for instance, in which no one single object is plainly or distinctly presented to us, but wher: a multitude of images are made rapidly and confusedly to poss before our eyes, distorted and discoloured according to the taste of the showman. - Dec. 1, 1808. W. COBEETI. *, * The First Part will be published on Monday the 2d of January, 1809; and as the number of copies of the succeeding, parts must, of course, be regulated by the degree of success that can reasonably be counted upon, Subscribers are respectfully requested to send in their Names as early as possible. The Work will be published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden ; and will be sold by J. Budd, Pall-Mall; J. Faulder, New Bond Street; H. D. Sy: monds, Paternoster Row; Black, Parry, and Kingsbury, Leadenhall Street; J. Archer, Dubjīn; and by every Bookseller, Law:

Stationer, and Newsman in the United

Kingdom.

Lord AN so N To the Freeholders of the County of Stafford.

Having taken an active part in the Requisition to the High Sheriff to call a Meeting of .

the County of Stafford, I am induced to trespass upon your patience, to state, as briefly as possible, my sentiments re-pocting some part of the proceedings which did actually take place at the Meeting. I entered my Protest against the form adopted by the High Sheriff for introducing the Requisition to public notice. The form was certainly unusual, I believe unprecedented, and a direct deviation on the part of the High Sheriff in his official capacity, from what I humbly conceived to be strictly his duty. I should be almost inclined to say that the calling together a Meeting of any County in a manner so novel, was ill-judged and ill-advised, inasmuch as it might be liable to the imputation of having been so proclaimed, for the express purpose of crea: ting some difference of opinion, as well amongst the Requisitionists, as amongst the other Freeholders of the County, with the hopes, by such a manuruvre of marring the object of the Meeting, and thus checking, if possible, the ebuliition of public spirit. Such having been my seatinents respecting

Advertiser);

the manner in which the Requisition was

announced, I now feel it my duty to enter

my public protest against a Vote of Thanks

to the High Sheriff, moved at the Meeting

which did take place at Stafford; for, in

direct opposition to the statement made in

that motion, I do conceive that there was at least, much, and most notorious irregularity in the mode of convening that assembly.

Under the same impressions it was judged right by many of my friends, not to give sanction to such a liequisition by their attendance on the day appointed by the Sheriff. In this, I felt myself-obliged, though unwillingly, to concur, as my health would not allow of my personal appearance in the county—a circumstance which I cannot sufficiently deplore. For, most assuredly, had I been present at Stafford on the 11th inst. 1 would, at all events, have had the honour of proposing to you the intended Address or Petition to his Majesty, (a copy of which you have no doubt seen in the Staffordshire and notwithstanding it was a Convention of the County, not at all agreeing with my own ideas of regularity, should certainly have given my Brother Freeholders an opportunity of deciding upon the merits of the Address, which it would, under such circumstances, have fallen to my lot to propose, and the uncalled-for Resolutions, which, though they may probably speak the sentiments of some few of the most powerful interests in the county, I will venture to assert and maintain, are by no means declaratory of the real and general sense of the people, with respect to the terms of that most weak and disgraceful, though impor. tant Convention, upon which myself and many of my friends felt anxious to express our sentiments to his Majesty, in a manner the most loyal and constitutional. It may, I know, be urged, that his Majesty has been graciously pleased to institute an Inquiry. It is upon this point, that myself and my friend; on the other side are at issue. His Majesty (as we are informed by the public prints) has indeed ordered a Military Court of Inquiry, and the adoption of such a mode of Inquiry may, at first view, appear to some persons to be all-sufficient. But I beg leave to ask, in case that Military Grand Jury should throw out the Bill, how, or from what quarter is the nation to look for an explanation either consolatory or satisfactory And I very much doubt whether, in any point of view, such a Court will be competent to afford full and comprehensive satisfaction to the Country at large. It is upon these grounds that myself and friends

| were desirous of petitioning his Majesty to

convene his Parliament, for the purpose of instituting an Inquiry and Investigation before that Constitutional Tribunal. Parliament is said to be the voice of the People; by some persons it may be objected that it is not precisely so at this moment, and though the public expectations and anxious wish for truth, and nothing but the truth, might be disappointed equally, even by such a reference, yet the people at large would certainly have no right to complain, as they could only blame themselves for having elected such Representatives, as could sacrifice their Country's glory and honour, either from fear of avowing constitutional principies, or with a view of promoting their own private interest, or party spirit.—Having thus entered my decided protest against the Resolutions passed at the Meeting which did take place, I shall now say a word or two upon the Address intended to have been proposed, the object of which was to request his Majesty to summon his Parliament, and to bring the discussion of the unfortunate Convention before that, the only Constitutional Court.—I earnestly request you to examine with attention the words of that Address. No attack is made upon the character of any set of men. No attempt is made to prejudge any Commander. No allusion is made to any individual.—l defy the most zealous or scrutinizing prerogative stickler, to point out any part of that Address, which is wanting either in loyalty, or attachment to the Sovereign. It is, on the contrary, couched in terms of the most proper respect towards his Majesty; at the same time, that, in temperate but dignified language, it asserts the right of the subject, and expresses boldly, that just sense of the disgrace, which has fallen upon the national character, by an event as unaccountable, as it was unexpected. The Address implies distinctly an imputation of blame somewhere, and solicits a Parliamentary Inquiry into the causes of an evil of such magnitude. —l shall now take my leave of you, with only requesting that you will compare carefally and without prejudice the intended Address, with those Resolutions, which were carried at the Meeting. Let every man appeal fairly to his own heart, whether the Address intended to have been proposed, is not more adapted to his own private sentiments, more consonant to the public opihion, and more congenial to the feelings of every Englishman, who professes an honest, though not parasitical loyalty to his King, and an attachment invincible to the laws and Constitution of his Country.—I entreat you to make this comparison in order to convince

nable bulwark of South America.

yourselves, that the Address alluded to, breathes NO spirit, which is not most truly and strictly honourable to the feelings of subjects of a great empire, and that I may stand acquitted before my Brother Freeholders, of having been actuated by any other motives, than such as glow in the breast of every true and free-born Briton. I am proud of participating in such sentiments, and have the honour to be, “ In this matter, “ as in all others in which" not only “the ‘‘ Independence and Honour of the County “ of Stafford" but of “ the Kingdom at “ large, are concerned,”—Brother Freeholders, Yeur devoted and faithful Servant, —ANso N. Bath, Nov. 15th, 1808.

OFFICIAL PAPERS. BUE Nos AYREs. Proclamation by Don Santiago Liniers y Bremond, Piceroy, Governor, and Provincial Captain-General of the Provinces of the Rio de la Plata, &c. Dated Buenos Ayres, Aug. 15, 1808. (Concluded from p. 864.) I communicate this by special couriers, to all the heads of provinces on this continent, that by adopting one uniform system, they may make the greater efforts to facilitate the succours necessary to preserve the glory acquired by a city, which from its local situation, and its energy, has been, and will continue to be, the impregBut I cannot conclude without impressing upon you, and yourselves cannot but know it, that no force is comparable to union of opinion and feeling, nor any means more effective to preserve you invincible than reciprocal confidence between you and the constituted authorities, who, attentive only to the public interest and benefit, will see with dissatisfaction and abhorrence every thing that opposes or separates itself from the general prosperity.—SANTIAGo LiNiers.—Buenos Ayres, Aug. 11, 1808. FRENch Exposé. Paris, Nov. 3 –In the sitting of yesterday, his excellency the minister of the interior, accompanied by Messrs. de Segur and Corvetto, counsellors of state, pronounced the following speech on the situation of the French empire : —Gentlemen, you terminated your last session, leaving the empire happy, and its chief loaded with glory. The year has passed away, and a multitude of new circumstances have added to the good fortune of the country, and increased our hopes of future benefits. All that I have to state to you, gentlemen, is already known to you ; and, for your full information, I have ou!y

to retraee to your memory the principal events which have filled up the interval between your last and your present session, and to recal to you the additional advantages for which France is indebted to the wisdom and valour of her sovereign. I will speak to you first of the wants of nations; justice, public instruction, the arts and sciences, the numerous branches of internal administration, public worship, the finances, and our principal relations with the states of the Continent. The recital will bring us of course to this lamentable war, which we maintain against one single people. The glory of our nation wounds that people, our strengthalarms them; the independence of our commerce and our industry disquiets them ; every thing is again subjected to the fortune of war; but the days of justice are not far distant.—[Here follows a long detail respecting the administration of justice, the principal amelioration of which consists in the establishment of the trial by jury, on the precise principles of the English law. The next head is that of public worship, which is followed by that of sciences and literature, public instruction, &c.—These articles being of great length, and less immediate importance, we reserve them for a future opportunity, and proceed to the heads which are most interesting to the English reader.] —Among the arts of industy which have made progress in the course of this year, we must enumerate the manufactury of tin. In two of our manufactories they have attained a degree of perfection, no ways yielding to that of the English. A premium of encouragement has been given accordingly ; and another is also destined to ulterior efforts in the same branch.-The mechanics, in their endeavours of simplifying their looms, and introducing economy in their labours, have often also improved the quality of their stuffs. Those that are used in the weaving of cotton, have, for several years, been much multiplied ; the spirit of invention has brought them to perfection. There is nothing now but what we can make, and very well. The weaving of the cotton has made as marked a progress as the spinning. These two kinds of industry are already adequate to the consumption of the empire, which is for ever liberated of the grievous taxation it has hitherto been under to the Indian manufacturers and to their oppressors. The machines best calculated for the manufacture of cloths, are already in wide circulation; they have lately been much encouraged by advances made to different manufacturers in the departments.-The oonservatory of arts and handicraft is daily

enriching by the requisition of new patterns, and is entitled to commendation for the information which the pupils receive, who frequent its school of drawing and descriptive geometry. Reforms have been made in the school at Chalons-sur-Marne.—The consultation chambers of the manufactures are hastening to present useful views, which will be taken advantage of. The institution of arbitrators, for the purpose of deciding with celerity variances that may arise between the workmen and their employers, render to industry services which have been set forth. Since your last session, gentlemen, several towns have demanded them, and there are already some established at Nimes, Aix-laChapelle, Avignon, Troies, Mulhausen, Sedan, and Thiers. Commer ce.—The political events have been unfavourable to commerce. It still was kept alive in the midst of the contentions that have deluged the Continent in blood, because those nations that were involved in the war preferred their neutrality—that right deemed, even in our times, inviolable. But the English legislation, already misled by the ambition of universal monopoly, has overthrown the ancient barrier of the law of nations, and trampled their independence under foot, substituting in the room of them a new maritime code. The ordinances of his Britannic majesty have realized these innovations: that of the 11th of November, 1807, is particularly remarkable; it pronounces, by an universal blockade, the interdiction of all our ports, in subjecting the ships of neutral powers, friendly and even allied to Great Britain, to the visitation of its cruisers, to be conducted to British ports, and there to be taxed by an arbitrary inquisition.—The emperor, obliged to oppose just reprisals to this strange legislation, gave out the decree of the 23d of November, ordaining the seizure and confiscation of the ships which, after having touched in Enggland, should enter the ports of FranceFrom these measures, provoked by the British laws, the almost absolute cessation of the maritime relations, and many privations for the French merchants, manufacturers, and consumers, must have necessarily ensued. We all know with what resignation these privations were endured; we know that they are already become habitual, that they have awakened the genius of invention, and produced a j resources in substitution of the objects which we are in want of; we know, finally, that a great nation, essentially agricultural, can, by possessing in abundance all articles of utility, easily fore

| go those, which only form certain luxutics

or conveniencies of life, particularly when its independence and glory should be put at stake.—These circumstances have favoured one of the greatest scourges of commerce, smuggling. But it has been strongly repressed. The government is preparing new means against this foe to the public revenue, and national industry : the great emoluments it procures excites the most ardent cupidity. Those, who ought not to be honoured with the approbation of merchants, lest we

themselves to criminal peculations; they think that they are only braving the shame of an ordinary transgression; but the public indignation and vengeance will overtake them, and teach them that under circumstances where the nation employs for its defence, in an unexampled war, the interdiction of all commercial relatione with the enemy, the violation of thess dispositions is an hostile declaration, a true alliance with this same enemy that consequently every smuggler renounces the benefit of the municipal laws, to be subjected solely to those of war, and that he ought to dread the terrible and rapid application of those laws, which authorise the invasion of his fortune and personal castigation.—The government, penetrated with the situation of the French commerce, has strove to mitigate the evils, to provide for its wants. —Abroad, a treaty with the kingdom of Italy secures to France all the advantages which are compatible with the reciprocal justice. In the interior, various sums, which have been advanced to manufacturers and proprietors of produce, which public events had accumulated or cramped in their stores.—The Caisse d'Armortissement has interfered in the outfittings of adventurers. --A law has limited the bounds of the interest on money; offices established at Lyons and at Rouen are prelusive to a grand system of facility in the circulation of the numerary and merchandize —The exchange and the commercial tribunal of Paris see rising for their accommodation a stately palace, on the scite of the nunnery of St. Thomas, —Conformably to the new code, an organisation of the tribunals of commerce of the empire is preparing. The prefects, the courts of appeal have been consulted on the most eligible scites for these tribunals, as well as on the subject of their number, the judges and their surrogates. A general project has been submitted to the discussion of the council of state, and to the sanction of his majesty. Agriculture.—The prefects, the courts of appeal, and of the members of the general

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councils of department, formed in commission, are also called upon to give their advice on a project of the greatest utility, that of a rural code, so important to the prosperity of agriculture, and so closely interwoven with national prosperity.—In the meantime, one of the principal improvements of which agriculture is capable, is daily effected by the re-organization of our repositories for the breed of horses. Eight new repositories

of stallions have been formed this year. should degrade commerce, are still devoting

Premiums held out to the owners of the best horses brought to the fairs, rewards decreed at the departmental races, are so many additional means of favouring the production of the most eligible species of this animal. —Two new sheep-farms have been introduced. Six hundred Merinos, breed, have been ordered from Spain, and they are already arrived in France, notwithstanding the variety of obstacles that have occurred on their passage. They will be divided in two new establishments, as yet in embryo. The multiplication of the flocks increases rapidly, and we may consider the happy revolution introduced in this branch as completed.—May it one day be so also with the culture of cotton. In spite of the contrarieties of a hardy spring, and a tolerable cold autumn, the attempts made still give room to hope for ultimate success. We are justified to augur well also of the attempts made on the subject of the syrups of the grape. The rich culture of tobacco is daily extending ; that which is gathered in the vicinity of St. Malo, equals in quality that of America., France will one day, to judge by appearances, not only supply its own wants with that production, but also export it to her neighbours. The Public Treasure and Finances.—Regularity, and a judicious administration, prevail in every department of the public treasury.--The national accounts are reduced to a system the most scientific and luminous; it differs from the mode adopted by the most intelligent merchants, only in the extent and necessary complication of the transactions of government.—The finances have been gradually brought by the emperor, from a state of dilapidation and confusion, to a state of order and prosperity unknown in the governments the best administered. It is a trophy raised by vigorous exertion, by combinations the most judicious, and by a persoverance which has unravelled the most intricate details, and surmounted incredible difficulties. The nation enjoys the benefits which result from this new sort of conquest. Since France has geneiously consented to the adoption of indirect taxation, the finan

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ces have really been consolidated, and the utmost facility of carrying on the functions of every department of the public service.— The finances in modern times may be consi. dered as the security of states, and the measure of their stability. If they furnish government only with inadequate, precarious, or oppressive resources, its energies become paralyzed, individuals insolvert, and if war, or any other calamity, should visit a nation tinder these circumstances, it must subscribe to its own dishonour, or be involved in irretrievable ruin.—The finances of a state are not essentially and efficiently good, until they become independent of circumstances —until they can be maintained independently of the ruinous expedient of resorting to loans and excessive contributions—tintil, in fine, they are so connected and identified

with national prosperity, that they constitute

a direct emanation from it; then only can they be deemed solid, efficient, permanent, and essentially national, and, particularly, if they have received an organization sufficiently simple; so that in an extraordinary emergency, all the property, and all the individuals may be called upon, promptly, to furnish their respective quotas in advance. —The endeavours of his majesty have been incessantly directed to the attainment of this desirable object, and they have been crown

just and reasonable has been effected—it remains only to linit to the survey or regis.

ed by the most complete success, and the

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will be sufficient to desray the public ex

pences, and will leave a large surplus for national improvements. The receipts, which amount at the present moment to 800 millinus, will, according to this arrangement, be reduced one-fourth.-In time of war, it is not in the contemplation of his imperial majesty to resort to the illusory expedients of imposing taxes of a novel description, or to hold out temptation to raise new supplies. The contributions on the recurrence of war will be brought back to the war standard— i. e. SCO millions, and even then raised only by 100 or 150 millions at a time, in case of need; and this will be done by a simple scale, or table of proportions, which will enable every citizen to judge of the share he has in the good or bad fortune of the state.— Observe, gentlemen, that this simplicity has no athnity or connection with that so considerably extolled as the result of a single direct contribution; it is, on the contrary, founded on a conviction that taxes ought to be laid on various objects, that our laws of finance include all the taxes which it was expedient to establish, and that all that is

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ter, without which the uniform progress of

deficient, in proportion, and would continue to affect the proprietors of the funds actually surcharged; the making up of this register, which ought to efface so much inequality, to repair so much involuntary and inevitable injustice, is pursued with so much constancy, that those who disbelieve the practi. cability of this immence work, no longer doubt of its speedy execution. I must not here omit, gentlemen, the creation of the court of accounts, to the establishment of which you co-operated in your last session. We wanted a new institution, powerful in its unity, present to all the depositaries of the public property by the rapidity of its

inferior accountants connected with the public income and expenditure. This court ought, by the distribution of its duties, and the number of its members, to be adequate to all the occasions, and responsible for all the labours, that may be entrusted to it. The principles on which this establishment rests, the choice of its members, the consideration in which they are held, everything guarantees the success the government has promised itself, that of a salutary controul over the several accountants. Administration of the War Department. —The same principles of order, and the same views for the acceleration of the service, have influenced the general direction of the commissariat, whose first essays justify the expectation that had been formed. This administration renders the supplies of the army independent of contractors, who have so frequently done injury, at the same time that it secures the advantage of our economy, very sensible to the public funds. Marine.—Though during the present campaign the government has limited its maritime operations, still a squadron armed at Toulon, as if by enchantment, and conducted with skill, has been able to defeat, by able manoeuvres, the combinations of the enemy, by conveying to Corfu two year: supplies of men, artillery, provisions, and ammunition. After having this rendered useless the expedition with which that barrier of the Adriatic was threatened, the fleet of Admiral Gantheaume returned safe through all the difficulties of a boisterous navigation, and all the dangers of continued tempests. The colonies have in like manner been successfully supplied with provisions, by sovodrons of frigates and corvettes, which, while

they sulfilled that important object, had,

the scale of increase or diminution would be

action, embracing ai: the responsibility of

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