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to the amount of two thousand pounds a year. Will the House of Commons make inquiry into these matters Will they ascertain, whether Sir Arthur Wellesley, whether the man who signed the Convention of Cintra; whether this man was, at that time, and had been, for months before, receiving pay, at the rate of sir thousand pounds a wear, as chief secretary of state in Ireland.: Will they inquire into these interesting matters 2 Are these things right 2 Will any sy. cophant, however base he may be, say that these things ought to be tolerated 2 To be loyal" must a man hold his tongue upon matters of this sort 2 Is it to shew one's love ef the country and of the constitution, to wink at these crying abuses 2 And, lastly, does the existence of such abuses tend to strengthen, or to overthrow, our excellent form of kingly government 2—There is one general remark to add upon the proceedings of the Court of Inquiry; and that is this: that all the persons, hitherto examined, are, more or less, parties concerned. They should, consistently with reason, be called upon for nothing but official returns, or other documents; not, at least, in the present stage of the business. What are their opinions to us? They will hardly say, that they think they have done wrong. They will hardly give such evidence as is calculated to throw blame upon themselves. We are proceeding as if upon an implied acknowledgement, that

an English army can never, in any possible case, do amiss. But, the fact is, that whole armies have frequently done amiss. Whole battalions, at least, have been disgraced, and, in some cases, have had their colours, and the facings of their coats, taken from them. I do not say, that the army in Portugal, or any corps of it, is under a shade ; but, I do say, that we have nothing to do, in the way of evidence, with the opinions of any of the generals employed upon that service. It is impossible, that such an Inquiry can prove satisfactory to any man, who really . wishes for satisfaction. There may be men, who will feign that they are satisfied, that all is well, though they hear of the “Duc “ d'Abrantes" having again taken possestion of his Dukedom ; but, the nation at large never will, and never can, and never ought to be satisfied, with any thing short of a fair, open, legal, and rigorous investigation into the causes, which have produced such disastrous effects. Parliament will, ! indeed, have full power to take the matter up; and, if all other modes of legal investigation are refused us by the ministers, we shall look to that with great anxiety. The jutud of the nation never was more decidedly

made up as to any point whatever. It is impossible to shake it. The present proceedings have only strengthened the opinions already formed. There is no man, who looks with even the smallest degree of interest to the proceedings at Chelsea ; and, if no other mode of Inquiry be instituted, fresh applications to the throne will certainly be made. SPAIN.—There appears to be some reason to fear, that Napoleon is in but too fair a way of finally accomplishing his accursed purposes, with regard to the Spaniards. I was, but a few weeks ago, reproached by a correspondent for having, at first, expressed my fears, that the Spaniards would be subdued : I wish, with all my heart, that this ground of reproach, if it be one, may hold good to the end. I would much rather be regarded as a fool for the rest of my life, than that tyranny, in any shape, should, in a nation like Spain, triumph for a single day. The Morning Chronicle has an article complaining of the conduct of the GENERAL JUNTA in Spain; and, though one does not like to begin to blame, at a moment when the blamed party appears to be experiencing a reverse of fortune, it must be acknowledged, that, as far as we can judge at this distance from the scene, and with means of information so imperfect, there is, as the Chronicle observes, but too much reason to look back with regret to the Junta of Seville. --The General Junta may be composed of wise and good men ; but, it does not breathe the spirit of the Junta of Sevisle. It does, perhaps, contain more of rank than the Junta just named : but more rank and title will, I should think, do, in such circumstances, little, or nothing. —The General Junta appear to have directed their attention chiefly to the keeping of the people quiet; to the maintaining of “ order and tranquillity;” to the repressing of all violences, proceeding from popular commotion. But, with their leave, this is not the way to oppose Baonaparte and his daring legions. The object of the Juuta is, doubtless, to nip, in time, the bud of insurrection ; lest, in, the end, the people, proceeding from one step to another, overturn the whole system of the government, in church as well as in state, as was the case in France. But, the question is, is Buonaparte to be resisted by any means other than those of a general insurrection; a general lettingloose of the people I think, that he is not ; and that the nobles of Spain have to choose, whether they will see king Joseph upon the throne, or see the people left to act as they please. There wanted, in - - - t Spain, a renovation of character; an entirely

new spirit excited ; new talents called forth from obscurity. Therefore, if the nobles have assembled in a Junta, and are endeavouring to keep the people quiet ; to preserve “order and tranquillity," they, in my view of the matter, are taking precisely the wrong course. It is, in that case, little more than the old government, administered by deputy, under which, it is my decided opinion, that, sooner or later, Spain must fall. It is not cautiousness that , is now wanted in Spain. It is vigour; it is activity; it is great daring; it is enthusiasm. Anger, resentment, revenge ; every feeling that leads to violence. These are wanted in Spain. With these Buonaparte may be resisted ; but, without them, it seems to me that he cannot. There is one decree, or edict, of this General Junta, from which, if it be authentic, it is impossible not to forebode great evil. I men that, whereby they attempt to put a stop to what they call “the licentiousness of the press.” If the press assault only Buonaparte and his friends, it is evident that it cannot be too unshackled. Why attempt to check it, unless it be feared, that it will produce what is thought to be mischief, in Spain 2 And, if, so soon, the Junta itself be afraid of the press, the reader will easily suppose, that much of a change is not in contemplation, a fact which, the moment it is discovered by the people, will admonish them not to be very lavish of their blood. I must confess, that this little circumstance, this decree, for which the Junta will be, I dare say, greatly applauded by many, has, in my mind, excited very serious fears for the Spanish cause; because, if authentie, it argues a distrust of the people, and an opinion, on the part of the Junta, that the

country is to be defended by the old ordina

of means ; than which, I am convinced, the result will prove nothing in the world to be more ertoneous. As to the check, or the defeat, for such I fear it is, that General Blake has received, I think nothing at all of it. How many such defeats did the French experience, at the out set of their revolutionary war : They rose more powerful after each defeat. ! t is true, that there is some little difference between the assailants of the Spaniards and those of the revolutionary French. Yet, this I do not value, if the Spaniards have a spirit like that of the French ; if they are animated by motives like those by which the French were animated. I cannot help thinking, that it was very unwise in us to send an anvoy to the king of Spain. This was, in fact, one way of pointing out to the people

of Spain the object, which we thought they should have in view, and for the effecting of which we would give our aid. I am afraid, that this tended to damp the rising spirit of the people. There are persons, I know, who, rather than see the French resisted by a patriotic insurrection, would see Joseph Buonaparte in safe possession of the throte, This is a fact, which has been all along evident enoogh, and which was, long ago, dwelt upon by me. But, such persons must be very unwise, very short-sighted; for, in the end, all the evils, which they may apprehend from the success of a patriotic insurrection, must come, and come swifter too, through another channel.—As to of armies, in Spain, they really appear to be in a rather “ unsatisfactory state,” at present. They are, however, under experenced commanders ; and, let what will be their fate, they will have done their best to assist the cause. It is impossible, that either ministers or commanders can foreife every thing : something must be left to luck; and, therefore, if the expedition should fall, under Generals Moore and BA Rd, I should not, from the bare circumstance of failure, be disposed to blame the ministers.-In the two Morning Chronicles of Tuesday and Wednesday last, there appeared some very spirited and able articles upon the conducto: the ministers, with regard to the war in Spain and Portugal. They are well worth reading; but, I do not agree with the writer, that it was so easy a matter to know precisely what ought to be done, at the time when the expeditions were first sent cat. set the ministers have all the blame that is their due, but no more. It is the fashion, because it accords so well with party mo: tives, never to blame the commanders, but always to blame the ministers. This is not only unjust in itself, but it has a very mis. chievous tendency, as to the conduct of those commanders, who, be that conduct what it may, are sure to meet with, at leist, an indirect defence, from one party of the other. It is not so in the French service, where the commander is looked to, and nobody but the commander. There is nobody found to accuse the war-minister of not sending him to the right point, or of not supplying him with horses or provisio. The fact is, we have nothing but the plode of military service. We have no really me litary notions; for, if we had, we next should endure complaints against the mino try for having “exposed a general to diff. culty and danger,” the existence of which are always implied when men talk of war. That ten thousand English to


$77 should, at a moment like this, be, as the Morning Post states, necessary to “curb “ the refractory disposition of certain class“es of the Portuguese,” is, indeed, matter for serious reflection; for, in the first place, the “refractory” must, if this necessity do really exist, be the most powerful part of the nation; otherwise, they might be “curbed" by the part, who are not refractory. Then, what is the mark of this refractoriness 2 Is it a disposition favourable to the French * Is it a spirit of hostility to the Prince Regent or the old government : Or is it a dislike to the English authority of these, I think, it must be. If the latter, it is quite evident that to withdraw our troops and our authority is the only effectual way of removing the necessity of keeping troops locked up in Portugal; and, if either of the former, it would, I think, puzzle the Morning Post to assign any probable good that will arise from keeping them there. To cherish, or defend, a people against their will, is a most difficult as well as a most ungrateful task. It is a task, which, from the nature of things, can never be attended with success. —Is it not a strange thing, that, amongst all the numerous nations, who have been subdued and plundered by the French, there has never yet appeared one, that has demonstrated any great degree of anxiety for the return of their former rulers ? Some few have fought a little to keep the French out; but, when once in, there is scarcely any people that have discovered any very strong wish to get them out again. Who would not have supposed, that the people of Portugal, for instance, would have been half mad with joy at their “ deliverance 2" Who would not have expected to see them vie with each other in eagerness to obtain a return of the ancient order of things Who would have imagined it likely to be neces. sary for us to keep ten thousand men in the country, “to curb the refractory disposition “ of certain classes " of a people, just delivered from the grasp of the French, and restored to the rule of the representatives of their “beloved sovereign " ? I should like to hear the sapient editor of the Morning Post explain this political phenomenon; for it is a matter of vast importance with all those who study the science of government. AM ER1cAN STATES The election of the new President and Vice President, which has taken place before now, will, it is thought, terminate in favour of the Jefferson party, and in the election of MR. MAbison to the office of president. embargo will, probably, continue; but, the violations of it, the almost open defiance of

DECEMBER 3, 1808–American States.—Corn against Sugar.

One or the other

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it ; will not be less than they now are. We were told, that the Americans could starve the West lindia Islands. Those Islands were, perhaps, never much better supplied from America than they now are, and have been ever since the embargo was laid. The town of Halifax, in Nova Scotia, is become a grand depository for American produce, whence it is shipped to the West Indies. And, in fact, all that Mr. Jefferson and his bitter set have done, with a view of injuring England, has had no other effect than that of injuring his foolish constituents. CoRN AGAINST SUGAR. The effect of the American Embargo puts one in mind of the alarm of the “ Barley-Grotters,” who are now selling at from 50 to 60 shillings a quarter that corn, which they were afraid would sink below 37 shillings a quarter; and who, upon seeing the ports in the Baltic and in America closed against us, were seized with a dread, that we should be starved in consequence of being able to convert into bread 300,000 quarters a year of that corn of our own growth, which we formerly employed in making spirituous liquors I defy all the world, the readers of the Morning Post not excepted, to produce me an instance of folly equal to this. Mr. Wakefield denied me the privilege of judging upon such a subject, because I was not a practical farmer. Just as if it was necessary for a man to be a good hand at ploughing and sowing, in order to be certain that 300,000 quarters of bread corn would add to the food of the nation. It was a question of such plain common sense, that, to come to a right decision, their required neither experience nor reason. Barley must now be dear till next harvest; so that, at any rate, there is one year for the BarleyGrowers, free of that mischief, which they really did, or affected to, anticipate.

*** A letter from LoRD ANso N to the Freeholders of Staffordshire is inserted, because it is right that my readers, who have seen the letter of A. B. should see, that that nobleman had it not in his power to be present at the county meeting.

The Income of the Duke of York I do not state this week, because my intention is to publish, along with it, the whole of the act of parliament, granting him the estate in Surrey, and which is too long to be inserted, except in a double number.

MAJon Hogan does not answer my request. I have a letter before me, saying, that, next week, “the publisher of Major “ Hogan's Appeal will send me a letter upon

“ the subject of that Appeal, and particular“ly with respect to the BANK Notes." I dre say, that there will be no objection to the insertion of the intended letter; but, I cannot refrain from apprizing the writer, that I am rather surprized, that the numbers of the Bank Notes have not been published. As the Major expressed his anxious desire to return the notes, one would think that he must still have them in his posses. sion ; and, the gentleman who suggested the question to nie, assured me, that, if the numbers were advertised, the notes would be traced to the late possessor, with the greatest facility. What I should do, were I in the Major's place, is this. State publickly the numbers of the notes, and offer to give them up to whomsoever would prore a proprietorship in them, than which, I am told, nothing is more easy. The fact is, that, if the Major does this, the public will believe bis account, respecting the notes, to be true; if he does it not, they will, with very great reason, believe it to be a most atrocious falsehood. Botley, December 2, 1908.


On Monday, the 2nd of January, 1809, will be published (to be completed in Thirty-sir Monthly Parts, forming Twelve very /arge Volumes in Iłoyal Octavo), Part the First, Price 10s. 6d. of


State Trials,


In proceeding with the PARLIAMENTARY -History, which it has been, and is, one of the principal objects of my life to lay complete before the public of the present day, and, in that state, to have the satisfaction of leaving it to posterity, I have, for some time past, perceived that there would still be wanting a Work like that above described. In putting to myself this question, “How shall I go to work to secure “ the best chance of rendering a son capable “ of accomplishing great things; fit to have a share in guiding the minds of ‘ others; of weight sufficient to make him an object of respect with good, and of dread with bad public-men 2" In putting this question to myself, the answer my mind

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wasted in learning sounds instead of sense; suffer not his body and mind to be debilitated by continual confinement and continual controul and correction. Give him, God being your helper, a sound body and strong limbs; habituate him to bear fatigue, to move with confidence and rapidity in the dark ; to fare and to sleep hard ; and, above all other things in the world, to rise with the lark, thus making his year equal to eighteen months of his effeminate contemporaries. Next lead him into the paths of knowledge, not minding whether pedants call it learning, or not ; and, when he arrives at the proper age for acquiring that sort of knowledge, make him acquainted with every thing material, as to public affairs, that has seally occurred in his country from the earliest times to the present day. Open to him the book, not of speculation, but of unerring experience. That he may be able to judge of what is, as well as of what ought to be, show him, in detail, all the politièal causes and effects, to be found in our history; make him see clearly how this nation has come up, and how this government has grown together “ . From these, or such like reflections, sprang that arduous undertaking, the PARL1 assrsta RY | | is row Y of ENGLAND ; and, from the same source arises the Work, which I now submit to the judgment of theepublic. As I proceeded with the History, I found. that to read discussions, relating to Trials for High Treason and for other high Crimes and Misdemeanors, and not to be able to refer immediately to those Trials, they being so intimately connected with the history of the parliament, and being a detailed relation of some of the most important and most interesting events to be recorded, could not fail to be greatly disadvantageous to the student: yet, to bring into the Histon Y such a mass of legal proceedings, which admitted of little abridgment, was, for several reasons, not to be thought of. I, therefore, resolved to form them into a separate Work, to be published during the same time, and in the same manner, as to paper and print, with the PARLIAMENTARY History. Besides the consideration of uniformity, there were others which had great weight in this determination. The STATE TRIALs are now to be found only in an edition of Eleven Wolumes in folio, a form so unwieldy that it is impossible they should ever be much read, to say nothing of their incomplete state, or of the expence; which latter alone, owing to the scarceness of even this imperfect ed

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on, must be a serious obstacle to general irculation. So that this Work, though to solutely necessary to the lawyer and the >rofessed politician, very curious, interesttig and instructive, in itself, and, in a high legree, illustrative of the legal, political, and constitutional history of the country, is to be met with in but very few private libraries, those of counsellors and solicitors not excepted. The mere reduction of size, from the unmanageable folio of former editions to that of the Royal Octavo, double page, which unites economy with conveinience, will, in-itself, be no inconsiderable in provement. But, the proposed edition will possess the following additional advantages: than two hundred years before the time of the earliest transaction noticed in the ormer editions. 2. Many very important Trials and curious matters, omitted in the former editions, though occurring within the period which those Editions embrace, will be supplied; and the Series will be continued down to the present time. 3. Many useless repetitions, ceremonials, &c. will be omitted,

but every Trial will be scrupulously preserved: 4. Many unmeaning and unin

structive pleadings will be omitted; yet, all

those, which are either curious in themselves, or upon which any question arose, will be carefully retained : 5. The different articles, relative to each case, will be placed together,

so that the trouble of frequent references

backwards and forwards, attending a perusal of the former editions, will be avoided ; and, where references from one part of the work to another necessarily occur, the paging of the present work will alone be regarded, so that the confusion arising from the various pagings of the former editions will, in no case, arise to teaze and retard the reader: 6. The Trials, instead of being placed in the vexatious disorder of the former editions, will stand in one regular chronological succession, unless where a different arrangement shall be dictated by some special reason; as for instance, where more Trials than one concern the same party, or the same transaction; for, in such cases, it may sometimes be thought adviseable to break through the order of time, for the sake of exhibiting together all the particulars relating to the same matter or the same person : 7. Brief historical notices of the conspicuous persons mentioned in the Work, or references to published accounts of them, will be occasionally inserted: 8. Where points of law arise, references will be made to those parts of the Law Digests, or Treatises on Criminal Law, in which the principles and cases,

1. The Series will commence more

| relating to such points, are laid down, or collected : 9. In like manner, references will be made to my Parliamentary History for Parliamentary Proceedings connected with, any Trial, and to other works calculated to elucidate any part of this Collection of Trials : 10. Some Trials before Courts Martial, but those only of the greatest importance and most general interest, and illustrative of the history of the times, will be preserved in this Work: 11. To each Volume there will be prefixed a full and clear Table of Contents, and in the last Volume there will be a General Index to the whole Work, so complete that I hope it will be found to leave nothing of any importance difficult to be referred to. It is computed, that the Eleven Volumes of the last edition of the State Trials will be comprized in Nine Volumes of the New | Edition, and that the Additional Matter to bring the Work down to the present time, will make three Volumes more. The whole Work, therefore, will consist of Twelve very large Volumes. The paper and print will be, in every respect, similar to those of the Parliamentary History. In the mode of publication only there will be this difference; that, while the History is published in Wolumes, the Triaks will be published in Parts, one Part coming out on the first day of every month, in the same manner as the Magazines and other monthly publications ; and will, like those publications, be sold by all the Booksellers, Law-Stationers, and Newsmon in the kingdom. Three Parts will make a volume, and it will be optional with the Subscribers, to take the Parts separately, or quarterly to take the Volumes bound in boards, in a way exactly similar to that of the History. For me to pretend to undertake, unassisted, a Work of this sort, which, to execute well, requires the pen of a person not only possessed of great legal knowledge, but also well versed in the history of the law, would be great presumption. Without such assistance the Work was not to be thought of for a moment; and, I am convinced, that the very first Part will satisfy the reader, that it has not been undertaken without means of every kind sufficient to carry it on to a conclusion, in a manner worthy of matter so generally interesting and highly important. In the publication of the History, I relied upon the sound sense of the public, rather than upon the prevailing literary taste of the times; and from the success of that Work, I am convinced that success will attend this also. I am convinced,

that there are readers, and readers enough,

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