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Convention, leaves no doubt, but the result of the meeting, held vesterday for the county of Stafford, will become a subject of your animadversion. Of that result the newspaper reports will give vou an accurate detail. But I conceive that you must be strangely puzzled to account for the unanimity which prevailed at the meeting, after reading the names attached to the requisition, without some clew to guide your judgment. It is my object to give you that clew ; or rather, by a statement of facts neon which you may defend, to discover to you the motives which actuated those staunch friends of constitutional doctrines, the requisitionists, to assert their privileges, and display their independent principles, upon this occasion.—On the 24th day of October last, a copy of a requisition was sent to the high sheriff of this county by Mr. Blount. The sheriff, in acknowledging the receipt of the same, wrote that he could have no possible objection to comply with the wishes of the requisitionists to cait a meeting of the county ; and begged that the original requisition might be transmitted to him as his voucher ; and which indeed was necessary to produce, and be read at the opening of the meeting Upon this, Mr. Wolseley and Mr. Blount waited on the sile iff, and told him, that they had no requisition signed individually, but read various extracts of letters which authorized them to subscribe the names of several noblemen and gentlemen, and alleged that they had verbal authority for the rest. They declined giving up the letters, but had no hesitation to sign an authority for the sheriff, which they accordingly did.—A day was fixed for the meeting, and the requisition was published in the Staffordshire Advertiser in the form in which they signed it.—To the surprize of every one, in the paper of the week following, immediately under the requisition, appeared a remonstrative letter to the sheriff from Mr. Wolseley ; and a protest from the Marquis of Stafford who declined attending the meeting on the ground that the requisition was published in an “irregular and unprecedented manner.” —Now, Mr. Cobbett, I look upon it that the zeal of the noble marquis in the cause of his “insulted and degraded country” is not of that description which will urge him to die a martyr in its cause ; when, upon the plea of a trifling informality (which, by the way, I do not admit existed), he could withdraw his support from a measure to which he had attached such important re. sults. He might have found a better example, Mr. Cobbett, in the proceedings of

the Hampshire meeting ; but the example I allude to, he would. be assured, have called “irregular,” as it is certainly “un“precedented.” It must he admitted, however, that his lordship's sagacity, upon this occasion, is entitled to commendation, as I can affirm that no person in this county would have been able to discover, much less to notice, the irregularity complained of, if his lordship had not kindly condescended to point it out. – But this was not the true reason of the noble marquis's defection. The secret must be told, though I am afraid, Mr. Cobbett, that it will be as unpleasant for you to hear, as it was galling to the noble marquis to discover. The fact is, that the universal opinion of the people of this county, freeholders and others, is, that an address to his majesty for the purposes mentioned in the requisition is not, under the present circumstances, necessary. It was this conviction, which reached his ear very soon after the publication of the requisition, that induced the Marquis of Stafford, to think that he acted precipitately ; and he would have given (yes; depend upon it) —he would have given one or two of his best pictures that he had not signed that cursed requisition —His pride could not bear the idea of the shameful defeat that awaited him in his own county, and even by his own adherents ; much less could it bear the idea of submitting to the frank acknowledgement of the truth.-Mark, then, to what meanness pride is reduced. Rather than manfully come forward and avow his sentiments, and support the opinion he had so strongly worded in the requisition,--which, be it known, was drawn up under his immediate inspection at Trentham,_rather than do this, the Marquis of Stafford chose to seize upon an Old-Bailey-like quibble, and at all hazards to abandon the object which appeared to him so essential to the future welfare of the country. Like the very generals, who were the ostensible cause of the requisition, he withdrew from the field, and suffered the enemy to dictate his own terms.—After this desertion of a principal leader of the requisition force, others of inselior quality complained that their names had been subscribed upon very slight authority, and without their being acquainted with the nature of the requisition to be made ; and one gentleman, as you will perceive by the report, through the medium of a friend, from the hustings, actually denied having given any authority at all, for his name. And here one cannot held remarking the judicious precaution of the sheriff in adhering to the usual manner of publishing the requisition from an authenticated original.—In spite, however, of the alleged 1nformality, and the noble marquis's protest, the meeting was, not only very numerous, but highly respectable. But not one man of those whose names appeared to the requisition, came forward to avow their signatures, or to propose an address : although Sir Robert Lawley, Mr. Wolseley, and Mr. Blount, were in the town of Stafford during the meeting, and it was believed fully prepared to do so. Lord St. Vincent, who by his own acknowledgement came into the county for that express purpose, remained quietly at Stone, about seven miles from the place of meeting. That, however, the production of their deliberations might not be lost to the world ; and probably with a view of assisting other county meetings with their enlightened and patriotic principles, they have published the Address which they meant to propose for the adoption of the county. For the rest, they contented themselves with presenting silly protests against an informality which existed no where but in their own blundering and sneaking conduct.–Now permit me, Mr. Cobbett, to ask, if it is to this sort of men that the people of England are to look up, for the maintenance of their civil and political rights, and for the redress of their many and crying grievances; to these water flies, whose public spirit is damped by the spleen of disappointed pride, and whose patriotism is subservient to courtly etiquette, and the companion of party malevolence?—How disgusting is their conduct when compared to your own upon a similar occasion;–you, who by the mere diut of talent and firmness carried an Address (which I certainly believe you did) in the face of rank, wealth, and probably of the powerful stimulus of ministerial influence —What I have above stated you may rely upon as truth. I could enumerate abundance of other circumstances which would serve to place the public spirit of these independent gentlenen in a proper point of view. But you are already in possession of enough to enable you to deal to them that portion of praise which their conduct merits, in any remarks you may be induced to make upon the meeting of this county. —A. B Litchfield, 12th Nov. 1808. BREw ER ses. SIR ;—In your Register of the 12th inst. I was much pleased with the pertisal of a paper signed “A Hampshire Brewer,” the production of a person evidently competent to the discussion of the subject he has

brought before the public : and I have only to wish that the paper might have a circula. tion commensurate with its importance to the community. His general ideas on the production of an uniformly good and whole. some mak liquor are such as can only have been derived either mediately or immeli. ately from an extensive practice aided by a close and philosophical course of observa. tions. From such a writer I am sorry to dinier in any thing, but a strict regard to truth, and especially a truth in which men are practically interested, induces me to trouble you with a few observations on some remarks in the gentleman's paper; and for which, I trust, he himself will not deen, it necessary to offer any further ape. logy. —It is stated by the writer that the

relative value of malt, sugar, and ureacleare,

“ as S 'usi,els of malt, so are 165 lbs of “ sugar or 240 lbs of treacle,” I wish the writer had furnished us with the precio grounds of this stated ratio of value, and a the method by which he formed it. As it is, we are left to inser, from other parts of his paper, that his conclusions are built on hydrostatical experitinents; and I am the more inclined to suppose so from repeated trials, in which a given quantity of saccharine substance put in solution, when examined by the instrument, has not increased in density scarcely one third of the gross weight of the substance dissolved : a proportion, I believe, that will nearly correspond with the statement which he has furnished us with. But I entertain serious doubs

whether any instrument we now have in use

is adapted to shew us the relative value c. two notists, the one prepared srom mail ard the other from either sugar or meclasses. My reasons are these : In the extract from malt a considerable portion of mucilage or viscous matter is blended with the saccharine which is obtained, while the extract from molasses, for instance, is nearly a pure socharine liquor. Now, as the action of any statical instrument must be in proportion to the specific gravity of any liquid on which the experiment is made, it is evident that the spissitude of the malt extract must far exceed that of the other. But is it philosophical to conclude from thence that the comost necessa, aly be richer and superior to the other I appeal to the Hampshire Brewer himself. Does he consider that his last wort, which, for the sake of argument, we will suppose to weigh 10 lbs. per barrel, equal in point of quality to a one third portion of his first wort, which we will conclude to weigh 30 lbs per barrel Why not : Because, though the latter poss-s-s an abundance of mucilage, yet it possesses a much greater proportion of saccharine also: It is with justice that he considers “sweet" as the basis of vinous fermentation ; for it is very certain, that the vinosity of any liquor, (the fermentation &c. being equal) will be in proportion to the quantity of the original base which it possesses. I may therefore be allowed to doubt whether the instrument alluded to, be capable of that extent of application which is attributed to it, and whether the value of the three sweets he has mentioned be correct. I would be very far from being understood as intending to depreciate the merits of the instrument. I know its value too well. But though it will answer every useful purpose to a brewer, where the extract is from malt alone, yet philosophical precision requires it to be stated, that the one which is generally used cannot with any very great propriety of term pe called a “ Sacharometer.” If in a soluion of sweets it can only indicate about one hird of the value, we may ask what beSomes of the remaining two thirds : Are hey evaporated : Or do they remain in the iquor, enriching its quality, though in such rare elastic forun as to elude the test of the nstrument 2 I think the fact cannot possiSly be doubted. Mr. Reynoldson somewhere speaks of a friend of his (I thiuk a Mr. Bent) having a method of separating he mucilaginous from the saccharine parts f a wort. Could such a method be geneally adopted, we then might have some -ertain data, from which we might fix a cale for the valuation of any extract. The Yenalty on the use of either sugar or moasses in the brewery is too serious to risk he actual employment of them, though were the circumstauces of the times to nake a revision of the act expedient, I hink that they might be partially used to dvantage. I say partially, because, if used n too great a proportion they would destroy he chasacteristic taste and quality of the peer itself. The principal obstacle to their use would be in the want of a preper apjaratus for estimating their value. Could hat be effected, I should have little doubt at a fair comparison would evince an adrantage of 49 per cent in a limited use of hem, instead of a loss of 20 per cent acwrding to the estimate of the Hampshire Brewer. And so far from deteriorating the beer, they would contribute to its excellence, and be a means of remedying the desects of beer brewed from inferior and ordinary malts. But on the use of every Horcotic drug, let just censure fall in due eageance; and the trade perish, that cannot which the said junta has resolved to declare to your excellency, that with regard to the vesses which have already arrived, they leave it entirely to your own judgment to determine in your wisdom and prudence what duty they ought to pay, the junta being desirous to testify to the English nation the high sense they entertain of their friendship and generous support.—in pursuance of the order received, I have this day communicated the following instructions to the director general of the customs : —Authorised by an order of the supreme junta of the 13th current, touching the importation of English goods, hitherto prohibited to be imported into this country, and the duty payable on goods of the like description, found on board of such ships of the said nation as are at present in the Bay, I have determined after having heard the opinion of their lordships with regard to the duty payable on the same, that they are to pay 15 per cent royal customs; 5 per cent. if destined for inland consumption; and all the other duty payable on foreign goods, the importation of which is permitted, the shipment of the said goods for our possessions in America, being of course flee and unprohibited, since, in this respect, they ought to be considered as free goods, on payment of 7 per cent. ad valorem, the proper officer adhering strictly to the ordinances issued on this subject. You will attend to the execution of the present order, and make it known to the trade through the competent board, with this proviso, that clothes made up, articles of wood, or any other material perfectly finished, are not to be imported on any consideration whatever. —I inform you of the premises for your own information, and for the direction of the individuals of your nation, that they may form a correct opinion of the high estimation in which the Spanish government holds the worthy subjects of his Britannic majesty, and perceive how anxiously that government desires to give proofs of its gratitude for their faithful alliance. God preserve you many years-Thom As de MoRLA.—As in the order which I communicated to you under date of the 16th instant, the supreme junta of Seville says only, that it is adopting measures for making regulation with regard to the importation of English commodities, which hitherto it was not lawful to import, it is not in my power to form any other determination, but with regard to goods of the above description, which are found on board of ships actually arrived in the Bay, and you must therefore apply to the supreme junta, for instruction, how far the same fa

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RIGHT OF PETITION, , LETTER I. SIR.—Your late letter to the freeholders of Hampshire, inserted in your Register of the 29th of last month, is sufficient to excite the vigilance, and arouse the ardour of every British subject. You have with great propriety and equal force exposed the flimsy objections, urged by the advocates of the ministry against a full inquiry into the Convention of Cintra. The Answer to the l’etition and Address of the city of London, could not, in such a discussion, escape your censure. in fact, that memorable and unprecedented Answer appears to me a most dangerous attack, made by the servants of the crown, on one of the most valuable rights and privileges of the people of England; a privilege, which was demanded and established at the Revolution, and which eminently distinguishes this country fom the enslaved nations of the continent of Europe. The ministers will, doubtless deny the justice of the inputation; but let us attend not to their professions, but to their acts. A respectful, but firm address is presented to the crown, by the first city of the empire, praying that a full and efficient inquiry be made into a trans. action, which, in the opinion of the petitioners, stains with indelible disgrace the name of Britain ; they prejudge no individual ; they desire only that guilt may be investigated and punished in a fair and constitutional manner. In these sentiments and views they are supported by the unanimous voice and ardent wish of the whole empire. To this just and rational application, what is the arswer given by the servants of the crown For to them exclusively belongs the odium of this unco


stitutional transaction. They read to the petitioners a lecture on the first elements of British justice, as if a modest petition for inquiry were an open violation of its principles; they refer to some recent instances, to prove the general willingness of his majesty to institute inquiries, though it is notorious, that these instances never satisfied the wishes of the country ; they acknowledge the disappointment of the hopes of the nation, on the subject of the petition, but they loudly declare that the interposition of the city of London is wholly unnecessary in this critical conjuncture of affairs. The answer in plain English amounts to this : “However culpable our commanders by sea or land may be ; however disastrous the situation of our affairs ; what degree of guilt may exist in the management of our concerns ; the good citizens of London, and consequently the people of England, have nothing to do but to remain quiet, patiently to pay their taxes, and leave these higher concerns to the wisdom of the king's ministers, without troubling his majesty with their complaints."—This, Sir, is the real substance of their answer ; a fair commentary on a most ungracious, harsh, and repulsive text. In the records of ministerial pride, I have never found such an answer to a modest petition. Napoleon would not have ventured to insult his good people of Paris in so pointed a manner. The public will iodge, whether such language, dictated by the servants of the crown, be not injudicious in the extreme to the valuable Right of Petition, secured to us by the wisdom and steadiness of our ancestors at the era of the Revolution. A wicked and unprincipled minister, who openly invades our liberties, becomes much less dangerous, than he, who silently and imperceptibly gains ground by thwarting us in the eve, cise of our rights. We are naturally on our guard against the open machinations of the former ; but against the secret designs of the latter, what can secure us 2 What am I benefited by the frequent panegyrics of Lord Haw. kesbury on the glorious Revolution, if, amidst all this ostentatious display of patriotism, I am to be robbed by him and his associates of one of the most useful privileges secured by that event Or at least if I cannot resort to the exercise of it without experiencing the most poignant insult 2 Where would be the advantage of the grand palladium of personal liberty, if the judge were to tell the prisoner on his application for a writ of habeas-corpus, to remain quiet in Plison and leave his case to the

discretion of the court And, Sir, to what does this boasted Right of Petition amount, if the subject cannot carry his complaints to the foot of the throne, withont being dismissed with contempt and disdain If on an occasion, the most important to the honour of the country, that has occurred in the military annals of Britain, an humble petition from the first city of the empire has been thus treated with scorn, what is to be the fate of addresses, on subjects of less consequence, and if suing from quarters less respectable 2–0ar attention, by the extraordinary conduct of the ministry, is now transferred from the Convention of Cintra to the preservation of the rights and liberties of Britain. The truth is, this country is verging by rapid strides to despotism ; and it becomes the duty of every man, who values the birthrights of an Englishman, to use his utmost

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vour is to be extended to such ships as shali arrive in future, since it is not for me, as you desire in your last report, to decide that point. —God preserve you many years.— Tito MAS DE MoR L.A.—Cadiz, Sept. 19. Axio Ric AN EMBAR Go.—Petition of the Subscriters, Officers of Merchant Ships, besonging to the Port of Philadelphia to the President of the United States. Respectfully sheweth, that, in consequence of the present embargo laws, the situation of yur petitioners is grievous and afilicting ; that they have been engaged in the mer. cantile service since their infancy, with few exceptions, and accustomed only to conduct ships or vessels across the ocean ; that, from the operation of the present restrictive laws, they find themselves cut off from their usual employments, and, of course, the means of sub-stence are gone.--Your petitioners are well acquainted with the duties of conducting ships, from port to port, well versed in naval tactics, but unable to handle the harrow or the plough.-Your petitioners have for a long time borne, with patience, the privations incident to those restrictive laws, without murmur or complaint; but, when imperious necessity compels them to disclose the cause of their grievances, they humbly suppose they have a right so to do in a decent and respectful manner—Your petitioners therefore pray, that your excellency will take their case in. to consideration, and adopt such measures as may relieve the wants of your petitioners ; or, if there are vacancies in the Havy, to give your petitioners, or some of them, an opportunity of serving therein ; as they think themselves capable of performing services of that nature. They, however, submit their whole cause to your consideration, hoping your excellency will adopt such measures as wisdom and justice may point out, and as in duty bound will pray, &c.— Philadelphia, August 10, 1808. President's Answer. Sirs, In answer to the petition which you delivered me from the officers in merchants vessels belonging to Philadelphia, I must premise my sincere regret at the sacrifices which our fellow-citizens in general, and the petitioners in particular, have been obliged to meet by the circumstances of the times. We live in an age of affliction, to which the history of nations presents no parellel—we have for years been looking on Enrope, covered with blood and violence, and seen rapine spreading itself over the ocean. On this element it has reached us,

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